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JOHNS HOPKINS UNIVERSITY STUDIES -Al 

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Historical and Political Science 

HERBERT B. ADAMS, Editor 



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History is past Politics and Politics present 'SS&'mip^'^ee'm.Q^^^^je^f-^ 

TENTH SE :^IE*^|7V:)^t;uv 
XII 



CAUSES OF THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION 



By JAMES A. WOODBURN, Ph. D. 

Professor of A mericwi History, Indiana University 



baltimore 
The Johns Hopkins Press 

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DECE3IBER, 1893 



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JOHNS HOPKINS UNIVERSITY STUDIES 

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XII 



CAUSES OF THE AMERICAN REVOLOTION 



i 



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JOHNS HOPKINS DNIVERSITY STUDIES 

IN 

Historical and Political Science 

HERBERT B. ADAMS, Editor 



History is past Politics aud Politics present History — Freenuin 



TENTH SERIES 
XII 



CAUSES OF THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION 



By JAMES A. WOODBURN, Ph. D. 

Pru/'essur of Amcrimn History, Indiana University 



baltimore 
The Johns Hopkins Press 

DECE.nHKK, 1893 



Copyright, 1892, by the Johns Hopkins Press. 



JOHN MURPHY & CO., PRINTERS, 
BALTIMORE. 



THE CAUSES OF THE AMERICAN 
REVOLUTION.' 



" When in the course of human events it becomes necessary for one 
people to dissolve the political bands which have connected them with 
another, and to assume among the powers of the earth the separate and 
equal station to which the laws of nature and of nature's God entitle them, 
a decent respect to the opinions of mankind requires- that they should 
declare the causes which impel them to the separation." — Declaration of 
Independence. 

It is the purpose of this monograph to review the final and 
efficient causes leading to the American Revolution, involving 
an inquiry into the leading features of the controversy between 
Great Britain and her American colonies which led to the 
independence of the United States. 

The separation of the English colonies in America from 
all allegiance to the British Crowli was an event of the highest 
moment in human history. The dissolution of all political 
connection between those colonies and the State of Great 
Britain not only recorded the rise of a new nation among the 
nations of the world, but it marked also the dismemberment 
of the British Empire and thus put an end forever to the 
political unity of the English race. It was this event which 
Lord Brougham called " the most important in the history of 
the human species." ^ " By that revolution," says Green, " the 
Eno;li.sh nation was divided. It was still one race but two 



^ This historical study is a University Extension lecture elaborated. — Ed, 
^Political Philosophy, Vol. Ill, p. 329, cited by Frothingham. 

5 



6 The Causes of the American Revolution. [558 

nations, an instance where to divide was to mnltiply and with 
that event Anglo-Saxon civilization entered upon the conquest 
of the world." ^ This great movement marked the beginning 
of colonial revolts which continued until all the American de- 
pendencies of European monarchies had become independent 
republics ; it changed the whole theory of the relation of 
colonies throughout the world to the mother country ;^ and it 
was the beginning of the first realization in history of the 
federal republic on an imperial scale, — a polity which presents 
a combination of local self-government and centralized power 
unprecedented in the records of political experience. 

The causes of revolutions, of such momentous changes, are 
far-reaching, as far-reaching as the history of nations. When 
Mr. Greely began to write the history of "The American 
Conflict " — meaning the Civil War between the States, from 
1861 to 1865 — he began with the settlement of the country at 
Plymouth and Jamestown, and he deemed it important to 
trace the beginnings of nationality and unicm in the struggles 
of the Continental Congress. Mr. McCarthy in his late his- 
tory of the French Revolution quotes Lord Beaconsfield as 
saying that there have been " only two events in history, the 
siege of Troy and the French Revolution." The Tory Pre- 
mier meant, it is supposed, that all events of ancient history 
were the outcome of one of these, and all events of modern 
history were someway connected with the other. The para- 
doxical phrase is used to remind us that if we " trace any 
single event back step by step," as Mr. McCarthy says, " we 
will find the event of yesterday intimately and indissolubiy 
connected with the creation of the world." To find a starting 
point for the cause of a great historical movement is, more or 
less, an arbitrary matter. 

We fix the starting point for the study of the American 
Revolution at 1763. Here we find a turning point not only 



' Green's History of the English People, Vol. IV. 
'Ludlow's War of American Independence, p. 2. 



559] The Causes of the American Revolution. 7 

in the history of America, but iu the history of the world. 
That memorable year is the natural eminence on which the 
historical student may find a point of view for looking back- 
ward over a century of conflict for empire in America and for 
looking forward over the development from dependent colo- 
nies of an independent republic of federated States. One great 
movement is closed, another begins. 

The year 1763 marks the close of the Seven Years War, 
the first of the great European Wars which found its causes 
in America. Some appreciation of the causes and outcome of 
that great war, of the great changes which it wrought in the 
map of the world and in the political relations of the nations 
of Europe, is essential to an understanding of the revolution 
whicli it presaged and introduced. The war marked the close 
of the great struggle between England and France for terri- 
tory in America. That long struggle was a part of another 
Hundred Years War between those two great nations. From 
the accession of William III, 1689, until Wellington sheathed 
his sword at Waterloo in 1815, in that period of a century and 
a quarter, England and France were continuously at war for 
sixty-four years.^ For those great wars there were three dis- 
tinct causes: 1. At the beginning of the period — following 
1700 — England went to war to vindicate her revolution, to 
secure the maintenance of her ancient constitution and to 
resist the efforts of France to upset the balance of power in 
Europe. The Bourbons were seeking the Spanish throne. 
2. At the end of the period — just before and following 1800 
— the French revolutionary influences and the ambition of 
Napoleon provoked the great European wars of that age. 3. 
But in the long interval between these historic contests the 
abiding cause for that century of war was the fact that France 
and England were rivals in the struggle for dominion beyond 
Europe, and especially in America. 



^ Caldecott, English Colonization and Empire, p. 34. University Extension 
Manuals. 



8 The Causes of the American Revolution. [560 

At the close of the 17th century France was at the summit 
of her power. She was inheriting the colonial kingdoms pre- 
pared for her in the age of Colbert, the great Colonizer of 
France. When we look to the advancement of political power, 
to the enlargement and glory of the state, the name of Colbert 
is easily first of his age in France, though his was an age and 
France was a land remarkable for their great array of great 
names. No other minister in Europe than Colbert ever made 
colonization so distinctively a part of his policy; no other ever 
evolved colonizing plans so sagacious and far-sighted. He 
increased the navy of France within twenty years from 30 to 
176 ships; he saved from waste and corruption sixty millions 
of the nation's revenue. Colbert was the great organizer of 
peace for France, as Louvois was her great organizer of war.^ 
By 1690, through Colbert's influence, the French, besides 
their well grounded hope of Empire in India and their power 
in Cayenne and the West Indies, had, in North America, 
Canada, Acadia, Cape Breton Island, the Fishing Banks of 
New Foundland, the mouth of the Mississippi and inland 
Louisiana. France held North America by its two rivers, 
the Mississippi and the St. Lawrence.^ Such another age, 
another Colbert and another La Salle instead of the shame- 
ful and imbecile regime of Louis XV, and how changed might 
have been the history of the Western world. But ministerial 
government and great men were to arise upon the other side 
of the Channel. The humiliating age of Louis XV, in France, 
was also the age of Walpole and Pitt in England. When 
Pitt came to power in 1757, the fact moved Frederick the 
Great to say that " England had at last brought forth a man." 
It was the genius of Pitt that sustained the English colonies 
in America during the Seven Years War, and won for Eng- 
land the treaty of Paris in 1763 with its tremendous results. 

This was the most important Treaty in its effects upon the 
state life of Europe since that at Westphalia, which established 

' Duruy's History of France, p. 425. * Duruy, History of France. 



561] The Causes of the American Revolution. 9 

the balance of power among modern nations. It marks an 
epoch in universal history. Three of the many victories of 
the War which it closed are said to have "determined for 
ages to come the destinies of mankind." ^ 

At Rossbach, in the victory of Frederick the Great, began 
the recreation of Germany and the long process of German 
unity under the leadership of Prussia. 

At Plassy, in the victory of Clive, the influence of Europe 
upon the nations of the East was brought to bear more power- 
fully than since the days of Alexander the Great. 

At Quebec, in the victory of Wolfe, began the history of the 
United States. 

Thus we are led to observe the different distinct results of 
the war as seen upon the four leading nations of Europe : 

Austria was humbled. She was compelled to accept 
a rival in the affairs of the German States. Tiie scene 
opened which closed at Sadowa and Sedan in 1866 and 
1871. 

Prussia was advanced. In this struggle it was the office 
of Frederick the Great, to place in the front rank of nations 
the power which had first been welded into an effective force, 
if not created out of hand, by the Great Elector. The Hohen- 
zollerns became the equal rivals of the Hapsburgs and Ger- 
man unity began under Protestant hegemony. 

France was humiliated. In the Seven Years War and by 
the terms of the Treaty which closed it, France had lost her 
merchant and military marine, her hopes of Empire in India 
had departed, she surrendered Canada to England and Louis- 
iana to Spain, and retired from tiie Contijient of North America. 
" Dupleix and Montcalm had aimed at building up an Empire," 
says Green, " which would have lifted France high above her 
European rivals. The ruin of these hopes in the Seven Years 
War was the bitterest humiliation to which French ambition 
had ever bowed." 

' Green's Hist, of the Eng. People, Vol. IV. 



10 The Causes of the American Revolution. [562 

England is exalted. She wins for the first time her world 
empire. For the first time in her national history the " drum 
beat of the English reveille followed the sun in his course 
around the world ;" for the first time the sun never set upon 
English dominions. The war gave to England, India, 
America, and the Sea. Frederick II said : " The war began 
over a few miserable huts ; by it England gained 2000 leagues 
of territory and humanity lost a million of men," 

But it is especially important for our purpose to observe 
the effect of the Treaty on territorial re-adjustment in America. 
As to English America the War may be said to have brought 
her into being. Before the War the fringe of English col- 
onies on the coast was like the string to a bow. The French 
were asserting their claims to the great inland arc. Before 
the War the imperial domain of France reached from the 
Gulf to the Arctic, from the Alleghanies to the Rockies. By 
the tei-ms of this great Treaty, 

Canada was ceded by France to England. 

Louisiana was ceded by France to Spain, 

Florida was ceded by Spain to England. 
In two cases France lost; in two cases England won, and 
there had occurred one of the greatest concessions of territory 
in the history of M^ar and diplomacy. The great re-adjust- 
ment seems to justify the remark of Dr. W. F. Poole that the 
Treaty of 1763 marks perhaps the most important epoch in 
the political and social history of North America.^ As to the 
immediate effect of the Treaty on the colonies, we see that 
France had departed from their north side and Spain had 
departed from their south side. The colonists were no longer 
between the upper and the nether millstone. " America was 
English " 2 says Lecky. Thus the Seven Years War furnished 
the opportunity and prepared the way for the American Rev- 
olution, The War at once closed one g-reat movement and 



^ Winsor's Narrative and Critical Hist., Vol. VI, p. 685. 
^History of England in the 18th Century, Vol. Ill, ch. on America. 



563] The Causes of the American Revolution. 11 

made straight the path of another. In consigned America to 
English civilization ; it laid the foundation for an independent 
sovereignty in America. " By removing an enemy," says 
Green, "■ whose dread had knit the colonists to the Mother 
country, and by breaking through the line with which France 
had barred them from the basin of the Mississippi, Pitt laid 
the foundation of the great republic of the West." The War 
and its results had prepared the colonies for the Revolution 
and for independence by the martial training which it afforded, 
by revealing to them the necessity of union, by releasing them 
from the dread of the French and by thus breaking their 
feelings of dependence. It also opened to their minds the 
possibility of a westward movement. The subsequent attempt 
of the Eno;lish Board of Trade to confine the western extent 
of settlement to such a short distance from the sea as would 
be convenient for English commerce, thus restraining the 
natural interior expansion of the colonies, was one of the in- 
cidental causes of irritation and separation.^ \/ 

Before entering upon the merits of the controversy by 
which the separation of the colonies from the Mother coun- 
try occurred let us notice, in connection with the results of 
the Seven Years War, that independence and separation were 
not an unexpected political event. The language of Choiseul, 
the French minister, after the Treaty of 1763, is familiar. 
Speaking of the relation of the colonies to England, he said, 
"They stand no longer in need of her protection. She will 
call on them to contribute towards the burdens which they 
have helped to bring on her, and they will answer by throw- 
ing off all dependence." Higginson says this observation was 
probably an after thought upon the part of Choiseul ; it was 
not uttered until ten years after the Treaty." But Choiseul 



'See Proclamation of George III, October 7, 1763, and Report of Lord 
Commissioners for Trade and Plantations, 1772. Winsor's Narrative and 
Cintical History, Vol. VI, p. 687. 

* Higginson's History of the United Stales. 



12 The Causes of the American Revolution. [564 

was not alone in his predictions of independence. Kahn, a 
Swedish traveller, said as early as 1748 : " The presence of the 
French in Canada, making the English colonists depend for 
security on the mother country is the main cause of the sub- 
mission of the colonies," Montesquieu the French political 
philosopher said, as early as 1730, in speaking of the restric- 
tive measures of the English commercial code, "England will 
be the first nation abandoned by her colonies." Turgot, the 
great statesman and economist of France had also remarked, 
that the colonies were like fruit, " When they are ripe they 
will drop from the stem. When the colonists are ready they 
will do as Carthage did, set up for themselves." 

It has been supposed, therefore, from the point of view of 
these expressions, that it was the manifest destiny of the col- 
onies, when the fulness of time had come, to become an inde- 
pendent nation ; though there had been no overt causes to 
precipitate the change, the natural and assured development 
of the colonies in the course of human events would have 
been sufficient. Of that we do not know. The patriotic 
loyalty to the Empire at present observed among the English 
dependencies throughout the world ; what history tells us of 
the devotion to the mother country among the American 
colonies before our revolution; the present commercial policy 
of England and the liberal administration of her colonial 
aifairs to-day — these do not indicate that the dismemberment 
of 1776 would have occurred in any usual order of events. 
It is expected of the historical student of this period, and it 
is the next purpose of this essay, to consider the direct and 
immediate causes of the revolution, those peculiar to the time 
and situation of the colonies, which account for the separation. 

Incidental to this study it is important to understand the 
fundamental idea in the modern colony. Colony is an 
ambiguous term. " The Phoenician Colonies," says Prof. 
Goldwin Smith, " were factories ; the Roman colonies were 
garrisons, the Spanish colonies were gold mines worked by 
slaves ; and the Greek cities founded new cities but the 



565] The Causes of the American Revolution. 13 

counterparts of themselves." ^ Professor Seeley in his valuable 
book '^ The Expansion of England " has called attention very 
pertinently to the distinct ideas or the basis of colonies among 
three great historic colonizing nations, the Greeks, the Romans 
and the English.^ The Greek idea in the first place was that 
a colony was a commonwealth. To the Greek the state — the 
'polis, the city state — was essentially small. It could grow 
territorially only by the formation of new states. Therefore 
to form a new colony was to form a new state. The colony 
might be attached to the mother-stem, might be allied with it, 
might have affection for it, but did not belong to it and was 
not controlled by it. Corcyra was a colony and Corinth was 
a mother city, but Corcyra was one state and Corinth was 
another. The tie between them was only a sentimental one. 
To assert control over a colony, as Athens did over certain 
colonies in the Delian Confederacy, was to destroy autonomy 
and to be guilty of tyranny and usurpation. It was this 
extreme tendency toward state sovereignty in the city which 
prevented the discovery to the Greek of the modern American 
principle of the Federal Republic. As Prof. Seeley has rep- 
resented it, these Greek colonies wore like grown up children 
who have married and settled in another homestead. A new 
Greek colony brought the world a new Greek State. 

Contrast with this the Roman idea of a colony. In the 
Roman conception — a conception which prevailed during me- 
diaeval times — the colony was a province to be ruled. It 
was an investment for the sake of gain ; it was a piece of 
property to be worked for the benefit of the investor. The 
theory subordinated the privileges and interests of the colonists 
to those of the mother country. The colony is to be held 
and administered for what can be made out of it ; its land is 
to be tilled, or developed, or colonized, or sold, or taxed, or 
drained of its wealth, as the interest of the home state mav 



Lectures on the Study of Hidory, p. 185. 
' Seeley's Expansion of England, ch. on the "Old Colonial System." 



14 The Causes of the American Revolution. [566 

dictate. This ooiiditicni the colonists would endure only 
because they could not cure. 

Compare with these conceptions the modern or English idea 
of a colony, which is merely an extension of the mother state; 
it is the state enlarged. It is a recognized part of the original 
body politic. It is a part of a common empire and its people 
enjoy all the rights, ])rivileges, immunities, and liberties per- 
taining thereto. This has been the happy condition of all 
English colonies since the American Revclution, — since but 
not before. 

Now, it is to be remembered in this connection, that while 
the American colonists enjoyed all the rights, privileges, im- 
munities and liberties of Englishmen, while they were treated 
as a mere extension of the mother state, while the true modern 
English theory of the colony was a[)plied to them, they were 
loyal subjects of the Crown. But to the degree that they were 
treated as a province to be ruled externally, as a piece of 
property to be worked for investors, in as far as the Roman or 
mediffival theory of the colonies was applied to them, to that 
degree they tended to separation. To see the truth of this, and 
its application to the state of the colonies, it is only necessary 
to consider a few facts which are usually and very properly 
regarded as indirect causes of the war. 

1. The attempts of the royal governors at arbitrary rule in 
America and the contest and irritation arising over the ques- 
tion of the royal prerogative. 

2. The commercial restrictions by the English Navigation 
Acts and Laws of Trade, together with their effects upon 
colonial interests. 

It is considered that the contest over the prerogative of the 
royal governors in America and the attempts of these gov- 
ernors, on occasions, to exercise arbitrary rule, were long 
standing and efficient causes of the alienation of the colonies 
from the mother country. The policy of arbitrary govern- 
ment and enlarged prerogative sprang from the purpose of 
making the colonies serviceable to England. This, in the 



567] The Causes of the American Revolution. 15 

mind of the Englishman, was the only pnrpose for which the 
colonies existed.' But this service from the colonies was to 
be secured in disregard of the interests of the colonies. Notice 
as illustrative evidence of this the government of Andros in 
New England. In 1685, Andros came to America with the 
intention of depriving certain colonies of their charters ; he 
came to consolidate New England, not for the benefit of 
New England, but directly in opposition to her desires, and 
rather for the benefit of Old England, that the colonies might 
more easily be governed and ruled in the interest of English 
trade. The colonies resisted, and they resisted on the same 
ground which their sons maintained nearly one hundred years 
later, claiming for themselves the ancient and inalienable 
rights of Englishmen, that these were guaranteed by their 
charters, and denying the right of the mother country to 
interfere in the internal affairs of the colonies. If there had 
been 2,000,000 people in America in 1685 instead of 200,000 
it has been thought reasonable to say that the American Revo- 
lution would have occurred a hundred years sooner. 

The significance of the conduct of Andros is that it was in 
large measure representative. For a hundred years before the 
outbreak of the Revolution there were contests, more or less 
important, between the power of the royal governors and the 
popular colonial party in the Assemblies. On the question of 
prerogative and anti-prerogative came the first political contest 
of the Revolution.^ From this period, 1683, says Minot, " we 
may date the origin of the two parties, — the patriot and pre- 
rogative men — between whom controversy scarcely intermitted 
and was never ended until the separation of the tw^o countries." ^ 
It is not pertinent at this point in our consideration of our 
subject to enter into the controversy over the extent of the 



' Burke's speecli on Conciliation with Anurica, p. 190, Vol. I, Works. 
' The Revolution Impendincj, Mellen Chamberlain in Winsor's Narrative 
and Critical Hist, of the U. S., Vol. VI, p. 3. 

^Minot's History of Mass., I, 51, cited by Frothingham. 



16 The Causes of the American Revolution. [568 

prerogative of the King or of the power of Parliament in the 
colonies. We shall consider the legal relation between the 
two countries in a later aspect of the controversy. It is how^- 
ever worth noticing here that one of the remarkable defects 
of the early charters was, that they did not clearly define the 
limit of rights between the local government and the Crown. 
The Constitution of the colonies invited abuse on the one hand 
and aggressions upon the other. The abuses of which the colo- 
nists complained were the repeated attempts, on the part of royal 
authority, to revoke or override their charters ; the frequent 
efforts at remodelling their local governments with a view to 
checking popular power; enlarging the powers of the Board of 
Trade; the assertion that representative government in the col- 
onies was a privilege, not a right, to be retained only at the dis- 
cretion of the royal authority which had conferred it; and the 
persistent policy of the home government toward rendering the 
colonial governors and judges independent of the Colonial 
Assemblies.^ It is not probable in the contests continually 
arising, that the governors were ah^ays wrong and the Assem- 
blies were always right. The notable fact is that the steady 
aim of the governors was to check the growth of popular 
powers, and that the purpose of the Assemblies was to stand 
for what they deemed their constitutional rights. The im- 
portant fact to be noticed is that the prerogative and power of 
the King and their gubernatorial assertion were a continual 
source of restiveness and irritation to the colonies. The char- 
acter\of their governors, as a rule, made them unacceptable 
to the Americans. The colonists looked upon the governors, 
as Franklin represented, not like rulers whose posterity have 
an inheritance in the government oi'a nation, and therefore an 
interest in its prosperity ; they were generally strangers to the 
provinces they were sent to govern ; had no estate, natural 



' See Frotliinghain's Rise of the Republic, ch. IV, for a valuable considera- 
tion of tiie causes of the conflicts between the royal governors and the 
colonists in the desire of the latter for local self-government. 



569] The Causes of the American Revolution. 17 

connection or relation there, to give them an affection for 
the country ; they came only to make money as fast as they 
could ; they were sometimes even of vicious characters and 
broken fortunes, sent by a minister merely to get them out of 
the way ; as they intended staying in the country no longer 
than their government continued, and purposed to leave no 
family behind them, they were apt to be regardless of the good 
will of the people, and they cared not what was said or thought 
of them after they were gone/ This is what the Americans 
said of their governors. They were governors neither of the 
people nor for the people whom they were sent to govern ; 
and when the first crisis of the Revolution came, it is not sur- 
prising that the conviction was found firmly imbedded in the 
minds of the Americans, that if duties were to be forced upon 
them to support these goveruors and their governments, with- 
out the intervention of their Assemblies, the Assemblies would 
soon be looked upon as useless. Therefore, in resisting the 
uncoustitutional interference of the King and his governors, 
or in their invasions on the prerogative, if one chooses so to 
call it; in their effort to keep their governors and judges de- 
pendent on popular favor and support and thus keep the real 
power in administration in the hands of the people — in this 
contention the colonists felt that they were standing for their 
dearest and most essential rights. The right to a representa- 
tive government was in issue. It was this party conflict and 
the antagonisms which it aroused, which account for many of 
the indictments against the King in the Declaration of Inde- 
pendence : " When a long train of abuses and usurpations, 
pursuing invariably the same object evinces a design to reduce 
them under absolute despotism, it is their right, it is their 
duty, to throw oif such government, and to provide new guards 
for their future security." For specifications the signers of 
the Declaration recited that the King had refused his assent 
to laws the most wholesome for the public good ; he had for- 

' FVanklin's Causes of American Discontents, Works IV, pp. 247-8. 
2 



18 The Causes of the American Revolution. [570 

bidden governors to pass laws of pressing importance ; he bad 
refused other laws for the accommodation of the people unless 
the people would relinquish their right of representation; he 
had repeatedly dissolved Representative Houses for opposing 
royal invasions on popular rights, and he had attempted to 
make governors and judges dependent on his will alone for 
their tenures and their salaries." ^ 

The advocates of the American cause in the issue between 
prerogative and popular rights were not confined to America, 
and it is therefore true, in a measure, that it was a conflict not 
between two peoples but rather between two parties.^ When 
the occasion arose in the contest over taxation, after the col- 
onists had grown strong and deemed that important material 
interests were at stake, it became the part of the Americans to 
make a new assertion and a wider interpretation of the princi- 
ples of the party opposed to the prerogative — an interpretation 
which they made convenient to their circumstances and the 
necessities of their cause. This they could do because they 
were found possessed with a political faith which had come as 
the result of a political experience. This faith was the basis 
for their resistance, and thus it was that the experience of the 
colonists in their contests over the prerogative and in their 
resistance to arbitrary rule were a cause and a preparation for 
the Revolution. They were ready with a constitutional defense 
for their resistance to an innovation. 

The second indirect cause of the war which we have named, 
was the commercial restrictions upon the colonies. In these, 
says Lecky, the great historian of England in the Eighteenth 
Century, the colonists had a '' real and genuine grievance." 

Cromwell by the Navigation Laws began, in 1651, the estab- 
lishment of the English empire of the sea. It was these laws, 
combined with Colbert's tarifiB against the Dutch, which de- 



^ Declaration of Independence. 

* Chamberlain, The Revolution Impending, Winsor's Nai-ralii-e and Critical 
Hist., Vol. VI. 



571] Ihe Causes of the American devolution. 19 

stroyed the carrying trade of Holland, and gave England in 
commerce the first i)lace among the nations of the world. The 
colonial policy of the century following Cromwell was one of 
restriction. The spirit of Mercantilism was dominant in the 
public mind. This economic theory taught that wealth was 
identical with money, and that every nation should so conduct 
its business as to import little and export much, that economic 
success depended upon attracting and holding as much as pos- 
sible of the precious metals ; that the Minister should secure 
for the state, at the price of high duties, prohibitions, subsidies 
and bounties, if need be, the " balance of trade " between 
nations.^ It was an age of great national competition. The 
mercantile spirit was dictating the conduct of every nation in 
Europe towards its colonies. Every European power which 
had colonies in the western world, confined the trade of the 
colonies to the mother country.^ This practice became, within 
the century, a recognized principle of conduct among the 
nations. By the International Rule of 1756 the doctrine was 
formally announced that trade with colonies was the exclusive 
privilege of the subjects of the mother country.^ This England 
enforced in colonial times, allowing neither the colonies nor 
any other nation the benefits of gains from American trade. 
It was English adherence to this rule which brought on the 
commercial complaints preceding the War of 1812. Its appli- 
cation was tolerable, at least it was tolerated, in the 18th 
century, before the new age of modern neutrality and before the 
light which Adam Smith furnished to Economic philosophy 
had been given to the world. But as applied by England to 
her colonies it may properly be called a reversion to the Roman 
theory of colonization, the use of colonies, at whatever com- 
mercial injury to them, for the profit of the home government. 



' Ingram's History of Political Economy, "Mercantilists." 
^ Tucker's Four Tracts, p. 133, cited by Lecky, Eng. in ISth Century, Vol. 
Ill, p. 327; see also Adam Smith's Wealth of Nations, Book IV, ch. VII. 
^>Sir Henry Maine, liectures on Inlernntional Law. 



20 The Causes of the American Revolution. [572 

It gave over the colonies to the use of a few Englishmen 
incorporated in the trade companies of the realm. 

It is well enough to mention the "fact that England, in this 
policy, was acting in harmony with the prevalent economic 
opinion of the day and in harmony with the commercial 
policy of other nations. Whatever of apology or palliation is 
to be found in this should have ample consideration, as Lecky 
urges. But as this great historian asserts, " when every 
allowance has been made, it is undoubtedly true that the 
commercial policy of England had established a real opposition 
of interest between the mother country and her colonies ; and, 
if the policy which was the proximate cause of the American 
Revolution was chiefly due to the King and to the landed 
gentry, the ultimate cause may be mainly traced to the great 
influence which the commercial classes possessed in British 
legislation. The expulsion of the French from Canada made 
it possible for the Americans to do without English protection. 
The commercial restrictions alone made it their interest to do 
so. If the ' Wealth of Nations ' had been published a century 
earlier, and if its principles had passed into legislation, it is 
quite possible that the separation of England and her colonies 
might have been indefinitely adjourned." 

It is not necessary to trace in detail the trade restrictions by 
which the colonists were embarrassed. But from Cromwell, 
1651, to Grenville, 1763, we find a constant and persistent 
series of measures restricting the trade of the colonies : 

The colonists were confined to the British dominion for their 
market. Their tobacco, cotton, silk, coffee, indigo, skins, sugar, 
and rice, were cut off from all natural course to foreign nations. 
The English planters interested in their sugar colonies wanted a 
monopoly of the American market for their sugar and molasses. 
But thev were not willino- to take in exchange the timber and 
other natural products which the Americans had to sell. The 
merchants expected the cash. The French West Indies, were 
oifering both a supply of sugar and molasses, and a market 
for New Eny:land lumber. 'Here was a natural avenue for a 



573] The Causes of the American Revolution. 21 

beneficial trade. But the English Navigation Act of 1733 
imposed a prohibitory duty on sugar and molasses, imported 
into any of the British plantations from any foreign colonies. 
Nothing was left to the Americans but ruin, or smuggling 
violations of the law. 

The colonists could carry no goods from Europe to America 
which had not first been landed in England. The whole 
American ]ieople were forbidden to import directly any wine, 
oil, or fruit, from Portugal-, To obtain these goods the 
Americans had to take them loaded with the expense of a 
voyage three thousand miles around, having to be landed first 
in England to be reshipped for America, expenses which 
added at least 30 per cent, to their cost ; and all this merely 
that a few Portuguese merchants in London may gain a com- 
mission on those goods passing through their hands. ^ 

All forms of colonial manufactures which could possibly 
compete with England were crushed. 

In the interest of the English woolen manufactures, the 
colonists were not allowed to carry woolens to any foreign 
country, nor from colony to colony. 

In the interest of English sugar plantere, as we have seen, 
the importation of sugar and molasses and rum from the 
French West Indies was forbidden. 

For the sake of a few merchants carrying on trade with 
Virginia, the colonies were drained of their gold and silver 
coin by their remittance to England, and then were forbidden 
the use of paper money made necessary by their internal 
commerce.^ 

South Carolina and New Hampshire attempted to restrict 
the slave trade for the sake of the social welfare, and their 
acts were overruled by the Crown, — a representative veto in- 
dicating that every act of a colonial legislature curtailing any 
branch of Eno-Hsh trade was to be overruled. 



^ Franklin's American Discontents, Works, IV, p. 250. 
^Ibid. 



22 The Causes of the American Revolution. [574 

Thus " the interest of a small body of British tradesmen or 
artificers," says Franklin, " has been found to outweigh that 
of all the King's subjects in the colonies." There cannot be a 
stronger natural right than that of a man's making the best 
profit he can of the natural produce of his hands, provided he 
does not thereby hurt the state in general. Iron is to be 
found everywhere in America, and the beaver furs are the 
natural produce of that country. Hats and nails and steel are 
wanted there as well as here. It is of no importance to the 
common welfare of the Empire, whether a subject of the King 
obtains his living by making hats on this or on that side of 
the water. Yet the hatters of England have prevailed to 
obtain an act in their own favor, restraining that manufacture 
in America in order to oblige the Americans to send their 
beaver to England to be manufactured, and to purchase back 
the hats loaded with the charges of a double transportation. 
In the same manner have a few nail makers, and a still smaller 
body of steel makers prevailed totally to forbid by an act of 
Parliament, the erection of slitting mills or steel furnaces in 
America, tliat the Americans may be obliged to take all their 
nails for their buildings and steel for their tools from these 
artificers under the same disadvantages.^ 

In view of these things it does not seem unreasonable to say 
that to release labor and trade from their restrictions was the 
object of the Revolution. So important has this appeared to 
writers on this chapter of our history that it has been said . 
that " but for the policy which oppressed the commerce and 
inhibited the use of the waterfalls of New England, the dis- 
pute would have been left to posterity."^ Webster said a half 
century later, " Whoever has looked deeply into the causes 
which produced our Revolution has found the original prin- 
ciple far back in this claim on the part of England to monopo- 
lize our trade and a continued effort on the part of the colonies 

' Franklin's Causes of American Discontent, Works, Vol. IV, p. 251. 
* Sabine's Royalists of the Revolution. 



575] The Causes of the American Revolution. 23 

to resist or evade that monopoly."^ In this cause we can 
easily account for the fact that the revolutionary spirit, the 
opposition to the home government, was stronger in New 
England than in the South. That discontent was more 
general in the North was in consequence of the greater trade 
of New England. 

It appears very evident, then, from the character of the 
people in the colonies, from their situation far distant from 
the seat of government, from the ignorance of Englishmen of 
colonial interests and aflFairs, from the jealousy of the colonies 
of their political and constitutional rights, from their repeated 
and irritating conflicts against the prerogative of their royal 
governors, and, especially, from the burdens of the commercial 
system, — from consideration of all these it is clear that not 
much was needed in the way of a fresh quarrel to excite serious 
danger of resistance to authority.. If while the colonies were 
growing stronger their grievances grew heavier, if any act, or 
policy, of government should occur to provoke serious opposi- 
tion among the Americans, it is easy to see that a strain 
would be put upon the attachment of the colonies to the 
mother country beyond what loyalty to the empire would 
endure. The need of the hour in England was a statesman 
in control, with tact enough to know how far government 
might safely go. A little more, and self-interest would get 
the better of English patriotism within the colonies. This is 
exactly what happened. To the subject of this new quarrel, 
which lack of statesmanship provoked, and which seemed a 
very little thing in the beginning to the ruling Englishmen 
of that day, we come now to give attention. 

It may be said that the restrictive legislation of the com- 
mercial code was enacted but not enforced. Measurably so. 
That may be said to be true until the historic epoch of 1763. 
The increased importance of America to the mother country 
led to increased interest of the ministry in American affairs, 

' Speech on Early Settlement of New England. 



24 The Causes of the American Revolution. [576 

and, consequently, to a change of policy in the Trade laws 
affecting the colonies. 

It is said that Grenville lost the colonies because he read 
the American dispatches, which no minister before him had 
ever done. Previous ministers are reported to have sent out 
letters addressed, " To the Governor of the Island of New 
England."^ But this ignorance of the colonies could not con- 
tinue. By the increased importance which came to them by 
the territorial readjustment of 1763, they were now to be 
looked to as an important source of revenue. England could 
no longer neglect them nor the ministry be ignorant of them. 
It was then that Grenville fatuously determined upon three 
distinct measures which, Lecky says, produced the American 
Revolution : 

1. To enforce the Trade Laws. 

2. To quarter in America^ part of the British Army. 

3. To raise by Parliamentary taxation of America a part of 
the money necessary for the army's support. 

Toward the first of these measures, the enforcement of the 
Trade laws, the customs officers were ordered to greater vigi- 
lance. Smuggling was to be suppressed. It was in this effort 
to suppress smuggling that the custom house officers in 1761 
raised the question in the courts of Massachusetts as to the 
memorable Writs of Assistance, These writs were to be applied 
for by the collector of customs to enable him, his '' tide waiters, 
land waiters, and all, to command all sheriffs and constables 
to attend and aid them in breaking open houses, stores, shops, 
cellars, ships, trunks, and packages of all sorts to search for 
goods which had been imported without paying the taxes im- 
posed by certain acts of Parliament called the acts of Trade." ^ 
These acts, says John Adams, had been " procured from time 
to time for a century before by a combination of selfish in- 
trigues between West India planters and North American 



' Higginson's History of U. S., ch. on " British Yoke." 

*John Adams' " Letter to William Tudor," Niles Register, Vol. 14, p. 139. 



577] The Causes of the American Revolution. 25 

royal governors. They never had been executed as revenue 
laws and there never had been a time when they would have 
been, or could have been, obeyed as such." ^ It was in plead- 
ing before the court in opposition to these writs that Otis won 
his fame, appearing as Adams says, like " a flame of fire," 
Otis objected to the writs that they were general and not 
special, and that they were perpetual and not returnable. By 
a special writ, the only kind that was legal according to the 
opinion of Otis, the warrant allowed a search of such and such 
houses specially named by the complainant under oath, with 
reasons for his suspicions. Every man's house is his castle. 
But by general writs every man's house became subject to in- 
spection ; the writs allowed the invasion of any citizen's house 
by any petty officer or by any one who might wish to use the 
writ as a means of private annoyance. The writs were per- 
petual in that they were negotiable; they were not temporary 
to be returned after the supposed occasion for their issue was 
passed, but might be transmitted by an officer to his successor 
or to his subordinates. John Adams conceived that the policy 
which called these writs into use was begun by the British 
Ministry with the design of " subjecting the colonies to the un- 
limited authority of Parliament," and he asserts that American 
independence was born on the day of Otis' eloquent and 
fiery resistance.^ In speaking, a half century later, of Otis' 
speech on this occasion John Adams said, " Then and there 
was the first scene in the first act of opposition to the arbitrary 
claims of Great Britain. Then and there the child Indepen- 
dence was born." 

In addition to this very questionable method of enforcing 
obsolete and obnoxious laws the ministry determined upon the 
renewal of the hateful Sugar Act of 1733, which, if enforced, 
would have been the most ruinous to the American trade of 
any part of the commercial code. They also imposed new duties 
upon many articles. There were some compensations in the 

^ John Adams' Letter to Tudor. ^ Niles JRegister, Vol. 14, p. 140. 



26 The Causes of the American Revolution. [578 

new revenue laws, but the stringent measures provided for 
enforcement were calculated to make the colonists feel that, 
whereas the fathers had chastised them with whips the min- 
istry were now disposed to chastise them with scorpions. A 
heavy tax easily avoided was not so irritating as a lighter tax 
vigorously enforced. The attempt to enforce the Trade laws 
could but call the attention of the colonists to the discrimina- 
tions against them, and it was evident that enforcement could 
be carried only at the expense of a struggle resulting in alien- 
ation. Older statesmen than Grenville, men like Pitt or Wal- 
pole, would have counseled more wisely. Rehoboam preferred 
the counsel of the young and foolish, and the tribes rebelled. 

The policy of quartering troops in America, the second 
immediate cause of the war, although objectionable to the 
Americans had many considerations in its favor. It was 
reasonable to suppose that the possessions so newly acquired, 
required defense against the French who were anxious to 
recover, or against an insurrection of the French colonists 
who might prove easily dissatisfied with their new masters. 
The country was very large and thousands of miles of frontier 
were open to the attacks of the Indians ; the late formidable 
conspiracy of Pontiac was not reassuring ; and experience had 
shown that the colonies were slow and reluctant to contribute 
to the common defense when they happened to be remote from 
the scene of immediate attack- and danger. Defense against 
the Indians in Virginia or the Carolinas would receive very 
little attention and support from New York or Massachusetts. 
Imperial interests were to be maintained against the rest of 
the world, the borders of British America were to be enlarged 
or secured, and these ends seemed to require the presence of 
an imperial army. 

On the other hand, it may be urged very properly, it had 
not been shown that the colonists were unwilling to raise 
troops for their own defense in time of danger. No scheme 
for a common contribution by the colonies toward such defense 
had ever been earnestly urged by the home government. The 



L^ 



579] ' The Causes of the American Revolution. 27 

colonists had always defended themselves from the Indians 
and now that the French arms had been expelled from Canada 
there was less dang-er from that source than before. Under 
these circumstances the colonists suspected that the ministerial 
policy of sending trooi)S to America, to be beyond colonial con- 
trol, was designetl to . strengthen the royal executive against 
the Assemblies and to enforce the obnoxious regulations of 
the revenue laws. These considerations, combined with the 
natural and long standing dislike of the English people to a 
standing army in time of peace, — a dislike especially notice- 
able among the descendants of those who had resisted the 
Stuart tyranny, — these considerations account for the resistance 
aroused by the quartering policy. 

Taxation without Representation. 

None of these influences wiiich we have named, nor all of 
them together, would have caused the revolution. The attempt 
of England to restrict the operations of the colonial govern- 
ment and extend the royal prerogative, the Navigation Laws 
and Acts of Trade, the demand for provision for tiie support 
of royal govern|ors and judges, the quartering policy, the 
general fact that England regarded the colonies as so much 
lucrative property to be administered for her own benefit and 
not for theirs, — all of th(!se grievances were long standing. 
Yet, they had brought forth no decisive tendencies to inde- 
pendence, nor had they provoked any serious evidences of 
disloyalty. It was only after the Seven Years War when 
England asserted the right of domestic taxation by Parliament 
that the Americans began to revolve these grievances in their 
minds, which, " from their respect and love to England they 
had long borne and seemed almost willing to forget.'" There 
is abundant evidence of the loyalty of the colonies to England 
in 1763. In the English diplomacy of that year the colonial 

' Franklin's Causes of American Discontents, Works, Vol. IV, p. 250. 



28 The Causes of the American Revolution. [680 

interests had been safely guarded and for the Treaty of Paris 
the Americans had great reasons to rejoice. Otis, voicing the 
sentiment of the colonies, acknowledged the love of all English- 
men in America for the mother country, their pride in the 
power and glory of the English name, and he asserted that 
" what God in his providence had united together, no man 
should dare pull asunder." ^ Franklin testified before the 
House of Commons in 1766 that the temper of America toward 
Great Britain at the close of the Seven Years War in 1763, 
was the best in the world. They submitted willhigly to the 
government of the Crown and paid, in their courts, obedience 
to the acts of Parliament. The colonies cost nothing in forts, 
citadels, garrisons, or armies to keep them in subjection. They 
had not only a respect but an affection for Great Britain, for 
its laws, its customs and manners and even a fondness for 
its fashions that greatly increased the English commerce.^ 
America was loyal. 

It was the new taxing measure of Parliament, the minis- 
terial policy on colonial taxation, which alienated the colonists 
and led directly to the independence of America. 

The Stamp Act. 

To understand the merits of the controversy over the Stamp 
Act is to understand the merits of the American Revolution. 
"The Stamp Act," says Lecky, "when its ultimate conse- 
quences are considered must be deemed one of the most 
momentous pieces of legislation in the history of mankind."^ 
Yet it is well known that this " momentous piece of legisla- 
tion " passed the English House of Commons without exciting 
there even a passing interest. It was introduced into an almost 
empty House. Burke says he never heard a more languid 



^ Speech, Boston Town Meeting. 

*" Examination of Franklin in House of Commons," Works, Vol. IV, p. 169. 

^England in Eighteenth Century, Vol. Ill, p. 351. 



581] I'he Causes of the American Revolution. 29 

debate in the Commons than the one on this measnre. " The 
affair passed with so very, very little noise that in town they 
scarcely knew the nature of what you were doing," he says. 
What was this remarkable act? Was there anything in 
itself to indicate that its results would be so momentous ? It 
provided that all bills, bonds, leases, insurance policies, news- 
papers and legal documents of all kinds, should be written 
upon stamped paper, to be sold by public officers at prices 
fixed by law. The proceeds were to go into the King's treasury 
to be applied by Parliament exclusively to the protection and 
defense of the colonies. Offenses against the act were to be 
tried in courts of admiralty without the cognizance of a jury. 
As a revenue measure, barring its denial of a jury trial, it was 
not unusual or unreasonable. It may be said to be a fair and 
simple proposition of a sovereign power to tax its subjects. To 
declare war and peace, to make treaties, to coin money, to ad- 
minister justice, and to tax, — these are the few fundamental 
prerogatives of sovereignty. A denial of one of them on the 
part of the subject is a denial of sovereignty to the nation. 
Why should loyal subjects of the Crown have denied the 
sovereign power of taxation to the supreme legislature of 
England ? It was not jjroposed by any English statesman to 
tax the colonies for English purposes. All the money raised 
in the colonies was to be expended in the colonies. In fact 
the colonists were only asked to contribute one-third of the 
burden which they imposed upon the Empire. The Stamp 
Act was not expected to produce more than .$500,000 annual 
revenue while the English army for the defense of America 
was costing every year nearly a million and a half. Was 
America to receive all the benefit and England to pay all tiie 
bills? Further, we are called upon to consider that an English 
navy was defending the American coasts and an English debt 
had accumulated in defense of American interests. Before the 
war the English public debt was about 350 millions sterling ; 
after tiie war it was about 700 millions. The debt had been 
doubled in defense of the colonies. In 1748 at the Treaty 



30 The Causes of the American Revolution. [582 

of-:A:ix 4a-01}a|)eH« the civil and military establishment in 
America was costing only about £70,000 a year. In 1763 
after the colonies had been delivered from foreign danger, and 
in order to secure them against attack from the Indian, the 
Spaniard, and the French, the same civil and military expenses 
were costing £350,000./ England had made it her chief object 
to guard the interests of the colonists in the Peace of Paris, 
and she found her colonial expenses had been multiplied by 
five. Was it not reasonable, then, that Anaericans should be 
asked to bear part of these expenses? Were not the colonists 
under obligations of honor and law to help bear the burden of 
their defense and supjKirt ? Was the demand of the mother 
country not moderate and equitable ? 

It rests upon us, also, to remember that as a taxing measure 
it was never claimed that the Stamp Act was burdensome. 
Probably no scheme of taxation could have been devised at 
the time which would have been easier or evener. When 
Grenville declared his intention of taxing the colonies in 1764, 
he asked the colonial agents in London to say to the colonies 
that if they could not agree among themselves upon raising a 
revenue by their own assemblies yet, if they disliked stamped 
duties and would propose any other sort of tax which would 
carry the appearance of equal efficacy, he would adopt it. 
There is no reason to believe that Grenville had any desire 
or intention whatever to subject the colonies to tyranny and 
oppression. Nor is there reason to doubt his willingness to 
accommodate himself to any tax which would have been most 
agreeable to the colonies. He did not wish to treat them 
harshly nor deprive them of any of their rights and liberties. 
What he was concerned about was to provide in his bill for a 
reasonable colonial revenue and to make sure of getting it. 
Was this not the business of the office with which Grenville 
was charged? It was his duty to manage the revenue. He 
regretted that his action would excite opposition and resent- 
ment in America, but he felt that the colonies could and ought 
to pay something to the public cause, and he knew of no better 



583] The Causes of the American Revolution. 31 

way — he coukl find no better way by inquiring of tlie colonists 
— for raising the revenue. He was aware that the Americans, 
like all men, wished not to be taxed ; but was that a reason 
why they should be relieved? Was Grenville not justifiable 
in using wiiatever just means he found necessary for making 
sure of a revenue ? 

It is also evident that a Parliamentary measure was the 
only means by which he could make sure. 

In the year 1764 the colonies were informed through their 
agents in England that a revenue would be required of them, 
towards defraying the charge of the troops kept among them. 
In harmony with this information a resolution was adopted 
in the House of Commons that for the purpose of raising such 
a revenue a stamp duty might be necessary.^ This proposition 
was not original with Grenville. Nor was it the first time 
such a proposition had been seriously urged. It was the out- 
come of hardy experience. In 1739 it had been proposed to 
Walpole that a stamp tax should be levied in the colonies to 
raise revenue for defending the western frontier. Walpole 
rejected the proposition, although there were evident the ag- 
gravating difficulties in securing among the colonies co-0})era- 
tive contributions for common defense.^ Again when war 
broke out between the French and English in America in 
1754, General Shirley, then Governor of Massachusetts, 
proposed in connection with the discussions of the Albany 
congress of that year, that application should be made to 
Parliament to empower a general congress of the colonies to 
tax the whole according to their several proportions.^ It 
appears that this proposition was accejitable to most of the 
colonies. But the jealousy or backwardness of some of them 



^ Knox, Controversy between Great Britain and her Colonies, p. 198. 

* At this time it is said Walpole exclaimed : " What ! 1 have half of old 
England set against me already, and do you think I will have all New- 
England likewise." John Fiske, Atlantic Mo., March, 1888. 

' Knox, Controversy. 



32 The Causes of the American Revolution. [584 

prevented this plan from being carried into execution ; it was 
evident that some of the colonies would not come into the 
congress, nor be bound by its action. This experience clearly 
proved, to Governor Shirley's mind, that the Colonial Assem- 
blies would not agree among themselves upon a fund for their 
military defense, and that if such a fund was to be provided 
for, the only effectual way of doing it was by an act of Parlia- 
ment. Governor Shirley therefore recommended that Parlia- 
ment should assess a certain sum on each colony j that it 
would be advisable to leave to the several colonies the manner 
of raising the revenue, whether by stamp duty or excise, but 
that if any colony failed to contribute its share, the sum should 
be assessed by Parliament and collected by imperial officers. 
"Thus it appears," says Knox in his Controversy with the 
Colonies, "that too much honor has been done Mr. Grenville 
in imputing to him the origin of an option that Parliament 
had a right to impose taxes in the colonies, or raise a fund 
there to pay the expenses of military services in default of the 
colonies raising it by their own Assemblies." ^ Grenville 
now gave the colonies to understand that if they did not make 
grants in their own Assemblies, Parliament would do it for 
them. Knox, then under-secretary, represents that Grenville 
warmly recommended the making grants by their own Assem- 
blies as the most expedient method.^ In this recommendation 



' Knox, Controversy with the Colonies, pp. 197-8. 

^ Grenville never made this claim for himself. Burke in his Speech on 
laxation controverts the assertion made on behalf of Grenville, that he had 
given the colonies an option for the Assemblies to tax themselves. He says : 
" Much stress is laid on this fact. However, it happens neither to be true 
nor possible. Mr. Grenville never thought fit to make this apology for 
him^^elf in the innumerable debates that were had npon the subject. He 
well knew that the colony agents had no general powers to consent to it." 
Burke further asserted that Grenville had let it be understood through a 
member of Parliament that those who wished to oppose before the ministry 
the policy of Parliamentary taxation might as well save themselves the 
trouble of discussion as he was determined upon that point." (See Speech on 
American Taxation, p. 127, Vol. I, Works.) 



585] The Causes of the American Revolution. 33 

Grenville was evidently not sincere. He must have known 
that no such grants were likely to be made and that such a 
plan for revenue was entirely impracticable. Because, when 
Franklin on behalf of Pennsylvania suggested to Grenville, 
after the Stamp Act was proposed but before it was passed, 
that, in lieu of this Act, the demand for money should be made 
in the old constitutional way of requisition upon each colony, 
Grenville answered him, and cut short the discussion, by the 
forcible question whether the proportion for each colony 
could be agreed upon. The agents of the colonies knew and 
confessed that such agreement could not be reached. Grenville 
also had reason to believe that the requisition would in the case 
of almost every colony be refused and the demand would be 
used by the colonists as proof that the Parliament had no right 
to impose a tax. "Perhaps it might happen," said Knox, 
"that all the Assemblies could agree in opinion upon some one 
point, but I much fear that point would not be to lay taxes 
upon themselves." ^ Knox showed very clearly that the dif- 
ference of the colonies, the experience of the past, the varied 
interests and purposes which at different times would demand 
a revenue, the little concern which one colony manifested in 
any danger when the danger was remote from itself, the dis- 
like of all the colonies to the standing army to which they 
were expected to contribute, — these considerations proved that 
if a defense fund was to be raised it must be raised by Parlia- 
ment. The consent of seventeen Colonial Assemblies could 
not be obtained. If the colonists were to be taxed at all for 
imperial purposes Parliament was the only power competent 
to tax them. This, we may rej)eat, was conclusive for two 
reasons : 1. The colonies could not be induced to confide the 
power of taxation to a single Colonial Assembly. 2. If they 
could be so induced there was no assurance that the tax would 
be voted. Was England then to be blamed if she insisted 
upon a Parliamentary tax ? 

' Knox, Controversy. 

3 



34 The Causes of the American Revolution. [586 

Moreover, was not the Parliament constitutionally compe- 
tent to tax the colonies ? In the English view, to deny this 
competency was to deny the supremacy of Parliament over the 
colonies. If they were to be at liberty to choose what they 
should pay and how they should pay it, who would doubt that 
their allowance would fail? On that footing they would, of 
course, refuse to pay any taxes at all. It would be much 
better for England, if the constitution would not allow her to 
tax the colonies, to disclaim all connection with them and 
refuse longer to continue protection ov^er the colonies all at her 
own expense.^ For one hundred and fifty years England 
had been taxing the colonies in treating them as a part of the 
Empire. The English tariif of that day against colonial 
products was undoubtedly a tax, and though the tariff had 
been arranged for the purpose of regulating the trade with the 
Empire and not for the purpose of raising a revenue, yet the 
distinction between a tax for one purpose and a tax for another, 
between a tax gathered directly and a tax gathered indirectly, 
was a distinction without a difference recognized by the con- 
stitution. The Americans' reasoning that they could not be 
taxed except by a body where they were represented, especially 
when it was known that they would refuse representation to 
avoid the tax, — this reasoning might be applied with equal 
plausibility to the Navigation Acts and to all legislation for 
the colonies, and this would tend to the disintegration of the 
Empire. The deliverance of the colonies from French aggres- 
sion, which was the cardinal result of the late war, had been 
an imperial measure carried out for the good of the Empire. 
Why not pay for this common benefit by a common imperial 
contribution ? What body was constitutionally competent to 
levy this contribution except the imperial Parliament ? If it 
be granted that Parliament was not superior to but only co- 
ordinate with Colonial Parliaments — a position implied by the 
denial of the constitutional right to tax — where, then, was 

^ Tucker's Causes of Dispute between the Colonies and the mother country. 



587] The Causes of the Amvrlcaa Revolution. 35 

there a supreme imperial body ? It was inconsistent to admit 
that Parliament was such a supreme body for all matters 
except taxation. Taxation was one of the chief functions 
of supremacy and sovereignty. To deny the fundamental 
sovereign power of taxation would lead inevitably to a denial 
of all sovereign power. Soon the Americans would deny the 
constitutional right of Parliament to legislate for the colonies 
— a prediction justified by the sequel. /The Colonial Assem- 
blies were municipal not national in character, corporations 
not Parliaments, and as such subordinate parts of the Empire 
they should l)e made to contribute to the imperial revenue. 
To have to ask consent, to admit that contributions were like 
voluntary benevolences was to make a breach in the constitution 
of the Empire, to diminish the authority and sovereignty of 

Parliament./ 

The American contention as to the relation of the colonies 
to the mother country was held by the ministry to be incon- 
sistent and untenable. This relation, as we have said, had 
never been clearly set forth. The theory on the English side 
of the controversy was — and no doubt it was the theory which 
expressed the public mind of that country — tiiat Parliament 
had an absolute and unrestricted power of legislation over 
English dependencies. The colonies were corporations within 
its supreme dominion. Americans were the subjects of the 
realm, subject to English law. It was from this fact that 
they were entitled to claim the rights of natural born English- 
men. They could not be out of the realm and relieved of the 
burdens of the realm and at the same time be entitled to all 
the rights and immunities of those within the realm. Parlia- 
ment, the great Assembly of the realm, was the supreme and 
sovereign source of English law and English rights.^ 

On the other hand the Americans, reviving an early theory 
of Massachusetts, held that the colonies were like Scotland 



^ Caldecott, English Colonization and Empire, p. 53. 
*See the argument in Knox, Controversy, p. 3, et seq. 



36 The Causes of the American Revolution. [588 

before the union ; they were bound in allegiance to the King, 
but were independent of the Parliament. To thera the King 
in Parliament meant the King, in the person of his royal 
governor, in the Colonial Assemblies. America was not a 
dominion of England but of the King. England was herself 
/ a dominion.^ The relation of the colonies was to the Crown 
not to the Parliament. 

It is obvious that in these assertions and constitutional 
dogmas, the colonists could not escape the charge of inconsis- 
tency. They had re])eatedly and in explicit terms acknowl- 
edged the right of Parliament to bind the colonists by its 
legislation.^ They had long time resisted the extension of 
the royal prerogative and now they were found pleading this 
prerogative against the powers of Parliament. By their 
reasoning there was no way by which they could avoid a 
dilemma: "How could they escape out of the hands of the 
King without falling into the hands of Parliament ? If, as 
some claimed when they resisted the royal prerogative they 
were British subjects entitled to the same rights and privileges 
as native born subjects within the realm, why then should 
they, more than any other subjects, be free from the burdens 
imposed bv the imperial policy ? But when in pursuance of 
that policy, Parliament undertook to tax the colonies, then 
they were forced by the logic of the situation to claim that, 
though subjects of the ' best of Kings,' they owed no more alle- 
giance to Parliament than the Scotch did before the imion."^ 
Knox, for the English side of the controversy made forcible 
use of these inconsistent claims of the Americans. He reduced 
their pleas to two : 1. The colonies had all the rights, liberties 
and privileges of Englishmen. 2. That they are without the 
realm, and, therefore, not subject to the common jurisdiction 



^ Franklin. 

' Story's Constitution of the United Slates, I, p. 1 74. 

'Chamberlain in Winsor's Narrative and Critical Hist, of America, Vol. 
VII, p. 5. 



589] The Causes of the American Revolution. 37 

of Parliament. He then very cleverly urged that to make 
good the first claim was to deny the second. The rights and 
privileges of Englishmen pertained to those only who were 
born and inhabiting within the realm, subject to the common 
law. On this reasoning, the legal argument against t;he policy 
of taxation by the plea of a peculiar relation of the colonies to 
the Crown was rejected by the ministry as inadequate. 

These are the main points on which the ministry rested 
their case for the policy of the Stamp Act. The resistance of 
the colonies was not 'only to the Act itself but to the principle 
which it involved and the policy which it instituted. The 
Americans were not much moved by the plea of gratitude nor 
was there reason why they should be. Even if the burden of 
obligation had been upon the side of America, as it was not, it 
should have been remembered by English statesmen that 
gratitude has little place among national motives. The para- 
mount motive among nations is interest. DeGarden the his- 
torian of Treaties well says that it is an erroneous calculation 
in politics to reckon upon gratitude as a force of any value in 
determining national conduct. But the fact was that befitting 
gratitude did not require of the colonists that they should 
submit to the innovation of internal taxation by an external 
power. In answer to such a plea they could urge as they did 
that the late war, to the expenses of which on account of an 
accumulated debt they were now asked to make an extraordi- 
nary contribution — this war had not been carried on at the 
sole expense of Great Britain, nor had the colonies alone 
reaped the benefit. The colonies had shared in the burden 
and the mother country had shared the benefit. Every year 
during the war requisitions were made by the Crown on the 
colonies for money and men ; they made more extraordinary 
efforts in proportion to their abilities than Britain did ; they 
raised, paid, clothed and fed, for five or six years, nearly 
twenty-five thousand men. That this was more than the 
share of the colonies was not only a claim of their own but 
the claim was recognized by the royal governments and by the 



38 The Causes of the American Revolution. [590 

recommendation of the ministry that the colonies be allowed for 
the years of the war an annual reimbursement to the extent 
of 200,000 pounds sterling/ This reimbursement did not 
amount to more than two-fifths of their yearly expense. The 
balance was still resting upon them as a load of debt. To 
pay these debts the colonists had assessed heav}' taxes upon 
themselves, on all their real and personal property, assess- 
ments which they could not hope would discharge their obli- 
gations for many years to come. While these burdens con- 
tinued ; while England was restraining the colonies in their 
commerce and manufactures ; while she drained the colonies 
of all the cash they could procure by every art and industry 
in any part of the world, thus keeping them always in her 
debt; and in view of the fact that the colonies had been 
neglected while they were weak and had grown to strength 
and opulence almost by their unaided efforts ; that they had 
been planted in America by the oppression and strengthened 
by the neglect of Eugland ; ^ in view of all these things could 
they be thought unreasonable and ungrateful for opposing 
new and unusual taxes which they believed to be unconsti- 
tutional and subversive of their most valuable rights ? ^ The 
home burdens of the Americans had been increased by the 
war, and in the face of these burdens it was now, not asked, 
but demanded of them that they contribute toward the support 
of an army which they did not want, which, as they felt, their 
situation did not require, and whose presence they resented as 
an imputation upon their loyalty. They looked with suspicion 
upon the army as a device for keeping them in subjection. 
The troops were not necessary to defend the colonists from the 
Indians. The colonies had defended themselves when they 
were weaker and the Indians more numerous. It was only 
after the Indians had been driven over the mountains that it 



'Franklin, Letter on Gratitude of America, Works, IV, pp. 157-8. 

* Barre in the Commons. 

' Franklin's Letter on Gratitude, Works, IV, p. 158. 



591] The Causes of the American Revolution. 39 

was thought necessary by the home govei'nraent to send troops 
for defense against them.' The plea of gratitude to England 
for the protection which she had afforded fell without much 
effect. 

The fact that all the revenue collected by the Stamp Act 
was to be expended in America, was not material. It would 
be spent in the new provinces recently conquered from France 
where the soldiers were, not in the colonies which furnished 
the revenue.^ The tax was distinctly an English tax for 
English purposes in that its motive was to relieve English- 
men at home and extend English power and English trade 
abroad. Colonial interests were not in the mind of the ministry 
either in the assessment or the proposed expenditure of the 
Stamp Tax. 

The first public opposition in America to Parliamentary 
taxation was made in Massachusetts.^ In April, 1764, after 
the declaration by the Commons of intention to tax the col- 
onies, the Boston Town Meeting, in instructions prepared by 
Samuel Adams, urged their Provincial Assembly to oppose 
the policy of taxation and assert American rights.'* This the 
Assembly did in the resolution that the sole right of giving 
and granting the money of the people of that province was 
vested in them as their legal representatives ; that the impo- 
sition of duties and taxes by Parliament upon a people not 
represented in the House of Commons is absolutely irrecon- 
cilable with their rights ; that no man can justly take the 

^ Franklin before Committee of Commons, Works, IV, p. 190. 

* Franklin, Testimony before the House of Commons. 

'Wells, Life of Samuel Adams, Vol. I, p. 45. 

*It has been claimed that the "alarm bell" was sounded in Virginia by 
the Resohitions of Patrick Henry in the Burgesses to which I subsequently 
refer. These followed Adams' instructions a full year, though Henry's 
Resolutions seem to have been independent of the action of Massachusetts 
and were more widely published. Henry claimed that his Resolutions in 
the Burgesses, May, 1765, formed " the first opposition to the Stamp Act.'' 
F'or a clear presentation of this matter see Wells' Life of Samuel Adams, 
Vol. I, p. 45 et seq. 



40 The Causes of the American Revolution. [592 

property of another without his consent, — upon which original 
principle the right of representation in the body levying the 
taxes, one of the main pillars of the English Constitution, is 
evidently founded.^ This Massachusetts declaration is the 
earliest formal assertion of the American idea, — the idea upon 
which was based the American Revolution. It was not a new 
idea, certainly. The people had always been used to it in the 
practical operation of their governments. But an urgent 
occasion had arisen for its assertion, and our fathers proceeded 
to formulate a theory of the constitution for the defense of 
their rights. That this idea of the constitution had long been 
in fact a part of the American faith is seen in this, that upon 
the arrival of the Stamp Act in America every Assembly on 
the continent came to resolutions against the right of Parlia- 
ment to impose taxes upon the people without their consent. 
The popular opposition excited in America by the Stamp Act 
is familiar. The Assemblies of the various colonies after the 
manner of Massachusetts were quick to put themselves on 
record in setting forth what seemed to them the legal and 
constitutional limits of the power of Parliament within the 
colonies. This keynote of organized colonial resistance was 
renewed independently by Virginia when she asserted in a 
series of resolutions that the colonists " were entitled to all the 
privileges and liberties of natural born subjects ; and that the 
General Assembly of this colony have the only and sole ex- 
clusive right and power to lay taxes and impositions upon the 
inhabitants of this colony ; and that every attempt to vest such 
power in any person or persons whatsoever, other than the 
General Assembly aforesaid, has a manifest tendency to de- 
stroy British as well as American freedom ; that the taxation 
of the people by themselves, or by persons chosen to represent 
them, is the distinguishing characteristic of British freedom, 
without which the ancient constitution can not subsist." ^ The 



' Proceedings in Massachusetts Bay, Franklin's Works, Vol. IV, p. 469. 
*A copy of these Resolutions may be found in Tyler's Patrick Henry, p. 
62, Frothingham's Rise of the Republic, p. 180, 



593] The Causes of the American Revolution. 41 

case wag fully drawn up for the colonies by the Stamp Act 
Congress of 1765. The Declaration of Rights published by 
this Congress is recognized by all parties as a remarkably able 
state paper/ Story regards it as the '' best general summary 
of the rights and liberties of the colonies." ^ It was upon the 
basis of this Declaration by the Stamp Act Congress in 1765 
that the Americans rested their case. The student should note 
carefully the significance of their assertions : They declared 

1. The allegiance of the colonies to the British Crown and 
their loyal subordination to Parliament. 

2. That they were entitled to all the inherent rights and 
liberties of natural born subjects. 

3. That it was the undoubted right of Englishmen that no 
taxes be imposed upon them without their consent, given 
personally or through their representatives. 

4. That the Colonial Assemblies can be their only repre- 
sentative bodies competent to tax them. " The only represen- 
tatives of the people of the colonies are persons chosen therein 
by themselves, and that no taxes ever have been, or can be, 
constitutionally imposed upon them, but by their respective 
legislatures ; that all supplies to the Crown being free gifts 
of the people, it is unreasonable and inconsistent with the 
principles and spirit of the British Constitution for the people 
of Great Britain to grant to His Majesty the property of the 
colonists." 

5. That trial by jury was an inherent and invaluable right.^ 

6. " That there is a material distinction in reason and sound 
policy between the necessary exercise of Parliamentary juris- 
diction in general acts for the amendment of the common law 
and the regulation of trade and commerce throughout the whole 
Empire, and the exercise of that jurisdiction by imposing taxes 
on the colonies." 



' Lecky, Vol. Ill, p. 357. 'Commentaries on the Constitution. 

^The Stamp Act provided that offenses against the Act sliould be cog- 
nizable in Courts of Admiralty. 



42 The Causes of the American Revolution. [594 

It is necessary to understand this " material distinction " in 
order to understand the constitutional position of the Americans 
on the question of taxation. This was the distinction, now 
first formulated in theory by the colonists, between internal and 
external taxation. Congress had jurisdiction, the Stamp Act 
Congress conceded, in case of new legislation for the amend- 
ment of the common law ; she had jurisdiction in the regula- 
tion of commerce throughout the Empire; the distinction 
between her jurisdiction for these purposes and her jurisdiction 
for imposing taxes within the colonies was the distinction now 
asserted by the Americans, and it was the fundamental con- 
stitutional distinction of the American Revolution. Was it a 
distinction without a difference in fact or principle? 

The colonists conceded to Parliament the right to rule the 
Empire and they acknowledged, they were, indeed, glad to 
claim, that they were part of the Empire. But determining 
the imperial commercial system was one thing ; raising rev- 
enue was another. Regulating their trade was a means of 
promoting the welfare of the Empire against the rest of the 
world. It would enable Englishmen to beat the Dutch, or 
the Spaniards, or the French, and for this the colonists were 
willing, like loyal Englishmen, to have their trade restrained 
and their manufactures repressed, if need be; for this they 
were willing to bear burdens, to suffer, and to pay. In these 
trade laws taxing was a mere incident ; the purpose of the 
laws was not to tax, but to promote and regulate English 
trade, to legislate for the British Empire, to adopt a policy of 
state. But domestic taxation and administration are the con- 
cern of the people of the province in question. The only 
taxing power which the colonists had ever known were the 
Colonial Assemblies in which they were represented. Con- 
sidered as a policy or system of revenue the Stamp Act was a 
departure from all former policies and systems. Domestic 
taxation through elective representatives, — this had been a 
fundamental fact, if not a principle, of the English speaking 
people, since Magna Charta ; it is the basic and precedent 



595] The Causes of the American Revolution. 43 

principle of home rule and local self-government in the States 
to-day. The Stamp Act, therefore, opened a new principle. 
For the first time in English history a bill had passed Parlia- 
ment granting duties to the King in the colonies; and "there 
began," says Burke, "the second period of the policy of this 
country with regard to the colonies." 

Before this dispute arose the authority of Parliament to 
make laws for America had never been questioned. That 
authority was allowed to be valid in all matters except 
such as involved internal taxes.^ The colonists were always 
jealous of their liberties and they were always quick to vin- 
dicate them when violated. They had long believed and 
insisted in repeated instances, that their liberties implied 
that a large sphere of government — the whole of domestic 
taxation and administration — were, and should be, sacredly 
reserved by their charters to their Provincial Assemblies. 
States rights were very early a part of the American political 
faith. These inviolable rights were claimed while the States 
were yet colonies and provinces. Regard for these rights 
were very deeply imbedded in the colonial mind. Nothing 
is more clearly observed by the student of history, no lesson 
is more important to statesmanship, than the necessity of wis- 
dom in government in showing regard to prevailing and 
established opinions among the people to be governed. 
Franklin reminded the ministry of this important truth in 
discussino; for the Enirlish rulino: classes the causes of Ameri- 
can discontent. "It was well known," says Franklin, "that 
the colonists universally were of opinion that no money could 
be levied from English subjects but by their own consent, 
given by themselves or their chosen representatives; that, 
therefore, whatever money was to be raised from the people 
of the colonies, must first be granted by their assemblies, as 
the money raised in Britain is first to be granted by the 
House of Commons ; that this right of granting their own 

^Franklin before Committee of Commons, Works, IV, p. 169. 



44 The Causes of the American Revolution. [596 

money was essential to English liberty ; and that if any man 
or body of men, in which they had no representative of their 
choosing, could tax them at pleasure, they could not be said 
to have any property, anything they could call their own.^ 
The process of raising revenues in the colonies before 1763, 
had been by requisition. The Crown made requisitions 
through the Governor or Secretary of State for the colonies 
and these were accustomed to grant their own money volun- 
tarily and amply, whenever the Crown by its servants came 
into the Assemblies and demanded aids. Franklin believed 
that this old constitutional way of raising money in the colo- 
nies was still sufficient and that the colonies would respond 
to all demands for fair and reasonable aids. Americans there- 
fore held the Stamp Act to be unnecessary because the colo- 
nies had ever been ready to make voluntary grants; they 
held it to be unjust because it violated the rights and customs 
of natural born subjects. It is well to emphasize what Gads- 
den was strenuous in urging upon the Congress of 1765, that 
the Americans based their claims not upon their charters, not 
on the rights and immunities guaranteed in these documents, 
but rather upon the common rights of Englishmen. If the 
colonies had been left free to grant or refuse a revenue as they 
deemed fit, the probability is that they would have refused, 
though Franklin thought otherwise. It was a feeling of cer- 
taiuty as to this refusal which most influenced the ministry in 
adopting the policy of forcible taxation. But the freedom to 
refuse was a right which no one thought of denying to the 
Commons of England. This invaluable right of the Com- 
mons, a right which had been repeatedly defended in arms 
since Magna Charta, pertained to those Englishmen, and to 
those only, whose representative body the Commons was. If 
this right of the natural born citizens of England was to be 
enjoyed by the Englishmen in America it could be done only 
by saving their colonial assemblies the right freely to give or 
refuse aids demanded by the Crown. 



1 Franklin's Works, Vol. IV, p. 244. 



597J The Causes of the American Revolution. 45 

This theory of the Americans involved in the distinction 
between internal and external taxes was not merely raised up 
for the occasion. It had been the opinion and feeling of 
America before 1763. Franklin testified before a Committee 
of the Commons that he had never heard any objection to the 
right of laying duties to regulate commerce, but a right to lay 
internal taxes was never supposed to be in Parliament; it was 
the opinion of every one that Americans could not be taxed 
by a body in which they were not represented. True, they 
had never formulated the distinction. It takes an occasion 
to bring out from an Englishman an attempt at an abstract 
definition or declaration. The attempt to tax America brought 
out the resolutions of Assemblies declaring this distinction. 
When Franklin was asked before the Committee of the Com- 
mons whether he could show any difference between the two 
taxes, he replied that the difference was very real and very 
great. "An external tax is a duty laid on commodities; that 
duty is added to the first cost and, when it is offered to sale 
makes a part of the price. If the people do not like it at that 
price they refuse it ; they are not obliged to pay it. But an 
internal tax is forced from the people without their consent, 
if not laid by their own representatives. The Stamp Act 
says, we shall have no commerce, make no exchange of prop- 
erty with each other, neither purchase, nor grant, nor recover 
debts ; we shall neither marry nor make our wills, unless we 
pay such and such sums ; and thus it is intended to extort 
our money from us or ruin us by the consequences of refusing 
to pay it.^ When it was suggested that a duty might be 
levied upon the necessaries of life and thus extort by an 
external tax the money of the colonists, Franklin replied that 
the Americans if they desired could easily do without English 
imports. 

It is true that the Americans could not in the abstract 
definition, in theory, draw a clear line of demarcation between 

> Franklin's Works, IV, p. 174. 



46 The Causes of the American Revolution. [598 

external and internal taxes. It could be said with a show 
of truth that, since the tariif acted clearly as a tax the 
distinction between the two kinds of taxes was without a real 
basis in fact. Metaphysical reasoning might make it appear 
that one kind of tax shaded into the other, nevertheless there 
was a distinction both in practice and in principle, a distinction 
which was not to be misunderstood and was not to be avoided. 
This distinction, as defined by Franklin, was sustained by 
Burke. External taxation, which had always been conceded, 
was not, he says, "a distinction of geography but of policy; it 
is a power for regulating trade, and not for supporting estab- 
lishments. The distinction which is as nothing with regard 

to right is of most weighty consideration in practice 

Be content to bind America by laws of trade ; you have always 
done it. Let this be your reason for binding their trade. Do 
not burden them by taxes ; you were not used to do so from 
the beginning. Let this be your reason for not taxing them. 
These are the arguments of States and Kingdoms. Leave the 
rest to the schools." * 

It is well known that Burke argued the question merely 
from the standpoint of expediency. With him it M'as a ques- 
tion of policy not of right. He had very little use for abstract 
principles in politics. He was not examining whether voting 
away a man's money was a power reserved out of the general 
trust of government ; or whether the right of taxation was in 
principle necessarily involved in the general principle of legis- 
lation and was therefore inseparable from the supreme power 
in the Empire. He was not seeking to determine a question 
of constitutional law ; he was for restoring tranquillity. " The 
question with me is," he says, " not whether you have a right 
to render your people miserable ; but whether it is not your 
interest to make them happy. It is not what a lawyer tells 
me I may do; but what humanity, reason and justice tell me 



* Speech on Taxation, Payne's Select Works of Burke, Vol. I, p. 153-4. 



599] The Causes of the American Revolution. 47 

I ought to do," ' Burke would have recalled the commons 
to the old policy and to original principles in the colonial 
system, — that of regulating trade while leaving the colonies 
" every characteristic of a free people in all their domestic 
concerns." He held that it was not till the scheme of taxa- 
tion arose and was revived again after the repeal of the Stamp 
Act, which filled the minds of the colonists with fears and 
apprehensions, — it was not until then that they quarreled with 
the old taxes as well as the new ; it was not until then that 
they questioned even the legislative power of Parliament.^ 

Although Burke in his two great speeches on the Revolu- 
tion based his opposition to the ministry and his plea for the 
colonies chiefly on the question of expediency, he could not 
altogether avoid the question of constitutional right. The old 
constitutional principle found defense even from Burke. He 
recosrnized that the y;reat contests for freedom among the 
English people were " from the earliest times chiefly ujwn the 
question of taxing." In speaking of the great and vital ques- 
tion of taxation he asserted that the constitutional lawyers, 
both English and American, who were defending the Ameri- 
can idea in our revolution were but defending the ''excellence 
of the English Constitution." These, he says, " not only 
found it necessary to insist on the privilege of granting money 
as a dry point of fact, and to prove that the right had been 
acknowledged in ancient parchments, but they went further. 
They attempted to show, and they succeeded, that in theory 
it ought to be so, from the particular nature of a House of 
Commons. They took infinite pains to inculcate as a funda- 
mental principle that in all monarchies the people must, in 
effect, themselves mediately or immediately, possess the power 



^ Speech on Conciliation with America, Payne's Works of Burke, Vol. I, 196. 

* Speech on Taxation. 

The two speeches of Burke, on American Taxation and Conciliation with 
America are a very valuable source for a study of the Causes of the Revo- 
lution 



48 The Causes of the American Revolution. • [600 

of granting their own money, or no shadow of liberty can 
subsist. The colonies draw from you as with their life blood 
these ideas and principles." ^ We see, then, that even in 
Burke's opinion, after all, it was not merely a question of 
expediency. There were " ideas " and " principles " and con- 
victions, back of the contest. " The feelings of the colonies," 
he says elsew^here, " were formerly the feelings of Great 
Britain. Theirs were formerly the feelings of Mr. Hampden 
when called upon for the payment of twenty shillings. Would 
twenty shilliugs have ruined Mr. Hampden's fortune? No ! 
but the payment of half twenty shillings, on the principle it 
was demanded would have made him a slave. It is the weight 
of that preamble^ not the weight of the duty that the Ameri- 
cans are unable and unwilling to bear."^ 

Pitt based his opposition to the Stamp Act and Parliamen- 
tary taxation upon different grounds. He denied, as boldly 
as any American, the constitutional right of Parliament to tax 
the colonies : 

" This Kingdom has no right to lay a tax upon the colonies. 
At the same time I assert the authority of this Kingdom over 
the colonies to be sovereign and supreme in every circumstance 
of government and legislation whatsoever. They are the sub- 
jects of this Kingdom, equally entitled with yourselves to all 
the peculiar privileges of Englishmen, equally bound by its 
laws, equally participating in the constitution of this free 
country. Americans are the sons not the bastards of England. 
Taxation is no part of the governing, or legislative power. 
Taxes are a gift, a grant of the Commons alone. In legislation 
the three estates of the realm are alike concerned. A tax is of 
the Commons alone; only the concurrence of the peers and 
the Crown is necessary to clothe it with the form of law. 



^ Speech on Conciliation with America. 

* That is, the principle asserted. 

• Speech on American Taxation, Vol. I, p. 105, Payne's Works of Burke. 



601] The Causes of the American Revolution. 49 

The distinction between legislation and taxation is essentially 
necessary to liberty."^ 

Pitt then proceeded to acknowledge, more clearly and boldly, 
if possible, the American distinction : '' There is a plain dis- 
tinction between taxes levied for the purposes of revenue and 
duties imposed for the regulation of trade for the accommoda- 
tion of the subject, though in the consequences some revenue 
may incidentally arise. . . . Let the sovereign authority of 
this country over the colonies be asserted in as strong terms 
as can be devised, and be made to extend to every point of 
legislation whatsoever; that we may bind their trade, confine 
their manufactures, and exercise every power whatsoever, 
except that of taking tiieir money out of their pockets without 
their consent." ^ 

Lord Camden also asserted in Parliament that taxation was 
not included in the general right of legislation, that "taxation 
and representation were inseparable." 

It was urged by the party of the ministry that these argu- 
ments were pure theory and were not found to be operative in 
fact. Birmingham and Sheffield and Manchester, English 
centres of ])opulation were not more represented in Parliament 
than Boston and Philadelphia, yet these centres were the 
heaviest tax-paying districts in England. A representative 
in the Commons was not supposed, on the true theory of rep- 
resentative government, to represent merely the district which 
sends him up, but he stands as a representative and legislator 
for the Empire. 

Such fallacy and sophistry were easily detected and exposed. 
All the "representatives of the Empire" were irom Great 
Britain, having their commercial and property interests there, 
and by this convenient theory these were to be allowed the 
exclusive right of disposing of the property of colonists 3,000 
miles away. That certain important English interests had no 



1 Goodrich's British Eloquence, Speech of Pitt. 
• Goodrich's British Eloquence, 
4 



50 The Causes of the American Revolution. [602 

representatives in Parliament was to the shame not to the 
credit of England ; it was due to her deformed and corrupt 
electorate. Burke might well ask in speaking of the colonies, 
" When this child of ours wishes to assimilate to its parent, 
and to reflect with a true filial resemblance the beauteous 
countenance of British liberty, are we to turn to them the 
shameful parts of our constitution? Are we to give them 
our weakness for their strength? Our opprobrium for their 
glory?" > 

It is very true that the American principle now asserted in 
the expression '' no taxation without representation/' would 
not bear, as Lecky says, "a severe and philosophical examina- 
tion." Many practical inconsistencies could be urged against 
it. As an abstract political principle it could not be said that 
the English people before our Revolution had ever pretended 
to apply it fully in the state, and both the commonwealths, 
England and America, have violated it ever since. It was 
never asserted as a principle a priori. It did not have its 
origin in political speculation. It is found to have been a 
fact with English freemen very early in English history. 
Far back under feudal conditions the Barons claimed for the 
nation the right, and the King conceded it, that in questions 
concerning the assessment of aids a council of the realm shall 
be summoned whose consent should be necessary to any new 
imposition.^ It was not a question of accuracy in political 
reasoning ; it was a question as to the custom of the realm. 
If there is a better definition any where of that custom than 
that there shall be no taxation without consent given in ])er- 
son or through representatives, we have not been able to dis- 
cover it. Political principle is often but another name for 
long standing usage. This principle had been recognized by 
the English people on at least four great and solemn historic 
occasions and usage had confirmed their faith in it. 1. In 
1215, when the Barons forced the charter from John, in which 



American Taxation. * Magna Charta. 



603] The Causes of the American Revolution. 51 

it was agreed, and guaranteed by the sovereign power of the 
state, that aids should be fixed and certain and that a common 
council of the realm should be summoned and consulted upon 
their imposition. 2. In 1297, in the Confirmatio Chartarum 
under Edward I, and in the Statute De TaUagio non Conce- 
dendo, ever since which time no taxation without consent has 
been an admitted principle in the constitution/ 3. In 1628, 
in the Petition of Right under Charles I, at which time this 
principle was again solemnly asserted. 4. In the " glorious 
revolution" of 1688, when the nation in assembly again 
declared its faith that the sovereign power of taxation was to 
be exercised only by the consent of the representative Com- 
mons house of Parliament ; that is, by the consent of the rep- 
resentatives of those who were to pay. It may be true that 
by " severe accuracy of definition, by refinement and precision 
of reasoning, and by the letter of the law " it was impossible 
to prove that there really was any distinction between taxing 
and other legislative acts.^ But by the constitutional traditions 
and usage of the English people such a distinction was clearly 
recognized. On this account Mr. Lecky says, with great 
fairness and force, that ''the Stamj) Act, although it was by 
no means as unjust or as unreasonable as has been alleged, did 
unquestionably infringe upon a principle which the English 
race both at home and abroad have always regarded with 
peculiar jealousy. The doctrine that taxation and represen- 
tation are in free nations inseparably connected, that consti- 
tutional government is closely connected with the rights of 
property, and that no people can be legitimately taxed except 
by themselves or their representatives, lay at the very root of 
the English conception of political liberty." ^ 

The Stamp Act was repealed the year following its enact- 
ment. Accompanying the repeal, — in a measure the condition 



' Taswell-Langmead, Constitutional History of England, p. 271. 

* Lecky's Em/land in the Eighteenth Century, ^'ol. III, pp. 353, 354. 

' Lecky's England in the Eighteenth Century, Vol. Ill, p. 353. 



52 The Causes of the American Revolution. [604 

on which repeal was secured, — the Declaratory Act was passed. 
This Act asserted tlie right of Parliamentary taxation in the 
colonies ; that " Parliament has power to bind the colonies in 
all cases whatsoever." The ministry had surrendered their 
measure but not their principle. The repeal however, hushed 
popular clamor and opposition. John Adams said that the 
people would have very little regard for the mere empty decla- 
ration of right which was never to be exercised. Dr. Franklin 
aifirmed before the Commons that the resolutions of a right to 
tax would give very little concern if they are never attempted 
to be carried into practice. In view of assertions like these 
and the absence of public objections in America to the Decla- 
ratory Act, the motive of the American contention has been 
impeached. If it were principle and not pence they were con- 
tending for, it has been asked, why did the colonists not raise 
vigorous objection to the Declaratory Act, which solemnly 
affirmed the principle which they denied ? Was it only jxiying 
they objected to ? 

The importance of the Declaratory Act has not been fully 
estimated. As a matter to excite resistance it was not for- 
midable. Protest against the principle it asserted had already 
been made. It is not true that the Americans had no concern 
over the re-assertion of the principle. It was constantly in 
their minds. They regarded it as a continual menace to their 
constitutional liberties. To the degree that they were reminded 
of it by its practical application in overt acts of legislation they 
met it firmly by overt acts of resistance. The Declaratory Act 
was an index to the irrepressil)le nature of the controversy. 
Each party had published its platform. One affirmed and the 
other denied the right of Parliamentary taxation, and neither 
party would retract. Resistance and separation were, upon 
that basis, but a question of time and strength. 

It is not the purpose of this monograph to trace the progress 
of the Revolutionary movement. The mode and measure of 
colonial resistance are familiar. When Townsiiend came to 
power in Parliament in 1767, he took occasion to express 



605] The Causes of the American Revolution. 53 

contempt for the American distinction between internal and 
external taxation. He then proceeded to carry three measures 
in Parliament on the line of the Declaratory Act. First, 
urged on by the opposition, he proceeded to punish New- 
York, for her disregard of the Quartering Act in refusing to 
make provision for the troops, by suspending her Assembly 
and denying royal sanction to any law until the terms of the 
objectional act should be complied with. Franklin inter- 
preted the temper of this act to be : " Obey implicitly laws 
made by Parliament to raise money on you without your 
consent or you shall enjoy no rights and privileges at all." ^ 
By a second act of Townshend's ministry a Board of Commis- 
sioners was created to execute the Laws of Trade. By a 
third the taxing policy was resumed.^ 

This commercial taxation, on glass, lead, painters' colors, 
paper and tea, was to be collected by import duties. It was 
thus cleverly arranged by Townshend to observe the American 
distinction in letter while he violated it in spirit. But his tax 
was clearly a means of supply not an instrument of Empire, 
and he should have foreseen that it, also, would have been 
resisted by the Americans. During the seven years of " peace- 
ful resistance " by America, occurred the aggravating acts of 
violence in the colonies which provoked Parliament to coercion. 
The agitation by the American press and speakers, the policy 
of non-importation in respect to the goods under tax, the 
" committees of inter-colonial correspondence," these all fanned 
the flame of opposition and did nothing to secure concession 
an<l favor from the party in power. Massachusetts was com- 
manded to rescind her circular letter and upon her refusal to 
do so her Assembly was dissolved. It is seen, from events 
like these, that the breach was widening. It became irrepa- 
rable by the unwise and unfortunate acts of Parliamentary 
coercion. 



1 Fnmklin's Works, IV, p. 247. * Lecky, Vol. Ill, p. 383. 



54 The Causes of the American Revolution. [606 

Four notable acts in the attempt of Parliament at the peace- 
ful coercion of the colonies must be brought within the scope 
of this study, though only a brief reference can be given to 
each of them. They have been called the " Four Intolerable 
Measures." 

The Boston Port Bill, of 1774, closed the port of Boston to 
the importation and exportation of all goods except food and 
fuel. It was intended to punish Boston for her active and 
persistent opposition to Parliament, by a virtual destruction 
of her trade. Her custom house was removed to Salem and 
English men-of-war were to maintain the blockade. Boston 
was to continue under the ban till compensation was made 
to the East India Company for the tea which had been de- 
stroyed, and the Crown was satisfied that trade for the future 
would safely be carried on in Boston, that property M^ould be 
protected, laws obeyed and duties paid. 

The Massachusetts Bill, the second act calculated to excite 
a hotter anger and resentment in Massachusetts, and apprehen- 
sion throughout the colonies, was passed the same year. It 
was a virtual revocation of the charter received by the colony 
in 1691. The General Assembly was left untouched but the 
upper chamber, hitherto elected by the Assembly, was now to 
be appointed by the Crown. The executive power was greatly 
increased and was no longer to emanate from the people as 
heretofore. Instead, the judges, magistrates and sheriffs were 
to be appointed by the royal governor, whose appointments 
were to be revocable at pleasure. Juries were to be no longer 
elective but were to be summoned by the royal Sherlif. The 
right of public meeting was to be abridged, — a most serious 
interference with the rights and privileges of the people. None 
but election meetings were to be held and no subject was to 
be discussed except by the permission of the Governor.' Such 
an act was calculated to bring consternation to every colony 
in America. Every colony was brought face to face with the 

^ Lecky. 



607] The Causes of the American Revolution. 55 

grave question whether or not it really had any chartered 
rights, or whether its whole representative system existed only 
by the indulgence of Parliament. 

The Transportation Bill was the third one of the intolera- 
ble measures which led to the final resistance in arms. It 
provided that any one accused of a capital crime committed 
while in aid of the government — in helping magistrates to 
suppress tumult and riot — should be tried in England or in 
some other colony than that wherein the crime was committed. 
This denied the right of trial by jury on the spot, in the vicinity 
of the crime, a time-lumored right and usage among English- 
men. The unfriendly feeling in Massachusetts toward the 
soldiers and the officers of the Crown, seen in the so-called 
"Boston Massacre" and other hostile demonstrations, was the 
defense for this measure. To the Englishman it appeared 
merely like a provision for a change of venue from a province 
where a fair trial could hardly be expected. In commenting 
upon the Transportation Bill, Lecky says : " The conduct of 
the Boston judges and of the Boston jury in the trial of Cap- 
tain Preston and his soldiers, had redounded to their immortal 
honor; but government was resolved that no such risk should 
be again incurred, and that soldiers who were brought to trial 
for enforcing the law against the inhabitants of Boston should 
never again be tried by a Boston jury."^ The inference of 
the Act seemed to be ill founded. The reasoning seemed to 
be that the people of Boston having once administered justice 
in a notable case in the face of prejudice and provocation, 
deserved a general act questioning the integrity of her juries 
and denying the disposition of her people to do justice. 

Against these three objectionable measures the Province of 
Massachusetts protested, asserting that by the first "the prop- 
erty of unoffending thousands is arbitrarily taken away for 
the act of a few individuals ; by the second our chartered 



^England in the Eighteenth Century, Vol. III. 



56 The Causes of the American Revolution. [608 

liberties are annihilated; by the third our lives may be de- 
stroyed with impunity." 

The Quebec Act was the fourth measure which was intoler- 
able to the colonists. It was passed in 1774. The purport 
of the act, in defining the limits of Quebec, was to extend 
that province to the Ohio river under absolute rule, French 
law, and the Catholic religion. It virtually confined the free 
democratic government of New England to the region east of 
the Alleghanies, interfered with the natural westward expan- 
sion of the colonies, as these were hereafter to find upon their 
western frontier a state governed upon despotic principles 
under Catholic establishment. The act greatly offended the 
religions feelings, instincts, and prejudices of the Puritan. 
" With tht' exception of some parts of Scotland," says Lecky, 
" no portion of the British Islands was animated with the 
religious fervor of New England, and no sketch of the 
American Revolution is adequate which does not take this 
influence into account.^ 

My sketch will seem inadequate in that, among other defects 
and omissions, I have not attempted an appreciation of the 
deep underlying moral causes of which the Revolution has 
appeared to many but the natural outcome. The measures 
and movements which I have attempted to estimate and define 
are regarded as but the flower and fruitage of moral influences 
whose roots are deeper in social ideas and forces than I have 
ventured to examine. These, however, are for the inquiry of 
the philosopher rather than the historian. But every historical 
student of the American Revolution is expected to understand 
that the revolt of the colonies and the movement for indepen- 
dence was the result of a social and political character in a 
people which was the result of generations of experience and 
training. Burke pointed out, while the Revolution was in 
progress, that the Americans' love of liberty, their religion, their 
education, their knowledge of English law and institutions, 



^Lecky's Enyland, Vol. Ill, p. 434. 



609] The Causes of the American Revolution'. 57 

and their training in English political life, were underlying 
and potent influences in the Revolution. There were other 
influences than these. Streams of influence, found in religious 
and political life, converged toward the American Revolution 
from all the Puritan and Protestant countries of Europe, from 
the republican institutions and usage of the Netherlands, from 
the Calvinists and Huguenots of Switzerland and France, 
from the Presbyteriauism of the Scotch-Irish, as well as from 
the dissenting religionists of all classes in England. "The 
explanation of the Revolution is not to be found merely in 
English precedents." ' When we attempt to estimate the un- 
seen and silent forces in national and religious character which 
have contributed to the American Revolution we find ourselves 
dealing with numerous social energies too general, subtile, 
and pervasive to be adequately measured. But no intelligent 
reader will forget that an upheaval so general and spontaneous, 
and seemingly so inevitable, is not to be explained by so 
simple and isolated a fact as the imposition of a tax. That 
would be like accounting for the tremendous revolution of 
France, as q^n able writer has done, by the fact of a deficit in 
her treasury. The destiny of nations is not changed by 
isolated facts. Rather the great movements of history have 
been the result of moral and spiritual forces which, gathering 
for centuries, have needed only favorable circumstances for 
the manifestation of their power.^ 



^ Mr. Douglas Campbell in his Puriians in England, Holland and America, 
one of the most noteworthy historical works of our times, presents very 
forcibly and fully the various un-English elements contributing to the 
American Revolution. The student should consult his pages. 

* Balch's The French in America has a suggestive chapter on the moral 
influences in the Revolutionary War. 



NOTES. 
I. 

LIST OF AUTHORITIES AND REFERENCES. 

Contemporary English Authorities. 

a. Knox' Controversy between the Colonies and the Mother Country. The 
best presentation of the English side of the controversy. 

b. Samuel Johnson's Taxation iS'o Tyranny. 

c. Tucker's Four Tracts on Our Relation to the Colonies. 

d. Burke's Speeches: On Conciliation with America, and American 
Taxation. Works, Payne's Edition, Vol. I. 

e. Pitt's Speech on the Repeal of the Stamp Act. See Goodrich's British 
Eloquence. 

Contemporary American Authorities. 

a. Adams, John, Works, with Life, notes, etc., by C. F. Adams. 10 vols. 
(Little, Brown & Co.) 

6. Franklin, Works, Vol. IV, especially on Causes of American Dis- 
contents, Examination before the House of Commons, Hoiv to Reduce an 
Empire, Letter on American Gratitude. 

c. Otis' Rights of the Colonies, and speech on Writs of Assistance. 
See (1) Force's A7nerican Archives, Vol. I, 4th Series. 

(2) Tudor's Life of Otis. 

(3) John Adams' Letter to Tudor, Niles Register, Vol. XIV, 

p. 139. 

d. Dickinson's Farmer's Letters. The ablest and most influential 
pamphlets for the American Cause. 

e. The State Papers of the Continental Congress, the Declaration of 
Rights of the Congress of 176o, the inter-Colonial Correspondence. See 
Force's American Archives. 

f. Paine's Common Sense. 

g. The Writings of Jefferson. 

, Lecky's England in the Eighteenth Century, Vol. III. Chapter on America. 
The most valuable exposition of the progress of the Revolution. 

59 



60 Notes. [612 

4. Winsor's Narrative and Oritieal History. Essay by Mellen Chamberlain 

on The Revolution Impending. The Editor adds in his Critical Notes 
a copious list of Autliorities. 

5. Frothingham's Rise of the Republic. 

6. Ludlow's War of American Inde'pendence. 

7. Bancroft, George, History of the United States. 10 vols. 

8. Hildreth, Richard, History of the United. States. 6 vols. 

9. Doyle, J. A., English Colonies in America. 3 vols. 

10. Curtis, George Ticknor, Constitutional History of the United States, Vol. I. 

11. Fiske, John, The American Revolution. 2 vols. 

12. Caldecott, English Colonization and Empire. 

13. Webster's speech on the Settlement of New England. 

14. Balch's The French in America. 

15. Green's History of the English People, Vol. IV. Chapter on "England 

and her Em[)ire." 

16. Seeley's Expansion of England. Chapter on " The Old Colonial System." 

17. Sabine's Royalists of the Revolution. 

18. W qWh^ Life of Samuel Adams. 

19. Tyler's Life of Patrick Henry. 

'2,0. m^rt^ Formation of the Union. (Epochs of American History.) 

21. Story's Commentaries on the Constitution of the United States. 

22. Marshall's Life of Washington. 

23. Parton's Life of Franklin. 



II. 

DECLARATION OF RIGHTS BY CONGRESS OF 1774. 

On the 14th of October, this congress published to the world the fol- 
lowing Declaration: "That the inhabitants of the English colonies in 
North America, by the immutable laws of nature, the principles of the 
English constitution, and the several charters or compacts, have the fol- 
lowing rights : 

1. "That they are entitled to life, liberty, and property; and they have 
never ceded to any foreign power whatever, a right to dispose of either, 
without their consent." 

2. "That our ancestors, who first settled these colonies, were, at the time 
of their emigration from the mother country, entitled to all the rights, 
liberties, and immunities of free and natural born subjects, within the 
realm of England."' 



613] Notes. 61 

3. "Tliat by such emigration, they by no means forfeited, snrrendered 
or lost, any of those riglits, bnt that they were, and tlielr descendants now 
are, entitled to the exercise and enjoyment of all such of them, as their 
local and other circumstances, enable them to exercise and enjoy." 

4. "That the foundation of English liberty, and of all free governments, 
is a right in the people to participate in their legislative council: and, as 
the English colonists are not represented, and from their local and other 
circumstances, cannot properly be represented in the British parliament, 
they are entitled to a free and exclusive power of legislation, in their several 
provincial legislatures, where their right of representation can alone be 
preserved, in all cases of taxation and internal policy, subject only to the 
negative of their sovereign, in such manner as has been heretofore used 
and accustomed. But from the necessity of the case, and a regard to the 
mutual interest of both countries, we cheerfully consent, to the operation 
of such acts of the British parliament, as are bona fide, restrained to the 
regulation of our external commerce, for the purpose of securing the com- 
mercial advantages of the whole empire to the mother country, and the 
commercial benefits of its respective members ; excluding every idea of 
taxation internal or external, for raising a revenue, on the subjects in 
America, without their consent." 

5. " That the respective colonies, are entitled to the common law of 
England, and more especially, to the great and inestimable privilege of 
being tried by their peers of the vicinity, according to the course of 
that law." 

6. " That they are entitled, to the benefit of such of the English statutes, 
as existed at the time of their colonization ; and which they have, by 
experience, respectively found, to be applicable to their several local and 
other circumstances." 

7. " That tliese, his majesty's colonies, are likewise entitled to all the 
immunities and privileges granted and confirmed to them, by royal char- 
ters, or secured by their several codes of provincial laws." 

8. " That they have a right peaceably to assemble, consider of their 
grievances, and petition the king; and that all prosecutions, prohibitory 
proclamations and commitments for the same, are illegal." 

9. " That the keeping a standing army in these colonies, in times of 
peace, without the consent of the legislature of that colony, in which such 
army is kept, is against law." 

10. " It is indispensably necessary to good government, and rendered 
essential by the English constitution, that the constituent branches of the 
legislature, be independent of each other ; tliat, therefore, the exercise of 
legislative power, in several colonies, by a council appointed during pleasure, 
by the crown, is unconstitutional, dangerous, and destructive to the freedom 
of American legislation." 



62 Notes. [614 



III. 

ADDRESS TO THE PEOPLE OF GREAT BRITAIN, 
CONGRESS OF 1774. 

Friends and fellow subjects. — 

When a nation, led to greatness by the hand of liberty, and possessed of 
all the glory that heroism, munificence and humanity can bestow, descends 
to the ungrateful task of forging chains for her friends and children, and 
instead of giving support to freedom, turns advocate for slavery and oppres- 
sion, there is reason to suspect she has either ceased to be virtuous, or been 
extremely negligent in the appointment of her rulers. 

In almost every age, in repeated conflicts, in long and bloody wars, as 
well civil as foreign, against many and powerful nations, against the open 
assaults of enemies, and the more dangerous treachery of friends, have the 
inhabitants of your island, your great and glorious ancestors, maintained 
their independence, and transmitted the rights of men, and tlie blessings 
of liberty, to you their posterity. 

Be not surprised, therefore, that we who are descended from tlie same 
common ancestors; that we, whose forefathers participated in all the 
rights, the liberties, and the constitution you so justly boast of, and wiio 
have carefully conveyed the same fair inheritance to us, guaranteed by 
the plighted faith of government and the solemn compacts with British 
sovereigns, should refuse to surrender them to men who found their claims 
on no principles of reason, and who prosecute them with a design, that by 
having our lives and property in their power, they may, witii the greatest 
facility, enslave you. 

Know then, that we consider ourselves, and do insist that we are and 
ought to be, as free as our fellow subjects in Britain, and that no power on 
earth has a right to take our [)roperty from us, without our consent. 

Are not the proprietors of the soil of Great Britain, lords of their own 
property? Can it be taken from them, without their consent? Will they 
yield it to the arbitrary disposal of any man, or number of men whatever? 
You know they will not. Why then are the proprietors of the soil of 
America less lords of their property than you are of yours? Or why 
should they submit it to the disposal of your parliament or any other 
parliament, or council in the world, not of tlieir election? 

Reason looks with indignation on such distinctions, and freemen can 
never perceive their propriet3\ . . . Such declarations we consider as 
heresies in English politics, and which can no more operate to deprive us 
of our property, than the interdicts of the pope can divest kings of sceptres 
which the laws of tlie land and the voice of the people have placed in 
their hands. . . . We call upon you yourselves, to witness our loyalty and 
attachment to tlie common interest of the whole empire; did we not, in 



615] Notes. 63 

the last war, add all the strength of this vast continent to tlie force which 
repelled our common enemy? Did we not leave our native shores, and 
meet disease and death, to promote the success of British arms in foreign 
climates? Did you not thank us for our zeal, and even reimburse us 
large sums of money, which, you confessed we had advanced beyond our 
proportion, and far beyond our abilities? You did. . . . Let justice and 
humanity cease to be the boast of your nation. Consult your history, 
examine your records of former transactions; nay, turn to the annals of 
the many arbitrary states and kingdoms that surround you, and shew us a 
single instance of men being condemned to suffer for imputed crimes, 
unheard, unquestioned, and without even the specious formality of a trial; 
and that, too, by laws made expressly for the purpose, and which had no 
existence at the time of the fact committed. If it be difficult to reconcile 
these proceedings to the genius and temper of your laws and constitution, 
the task will become more arduous, when we call upon our ministerial 
enemies to justify, not only condemning men untried, and by hearsay, but 
involving the innocent in one common punishment with the guilty, and 
for the act of 30 or 40, to bring poverty, distress and calamity, on 30,000 
souls, and those not your enemies, but your friends, brethren and fellow- 
subjects. . . . Nor can we suppress our astonishment, that a British par- 
liament should ever consent to establish in that country, a religion that 
has deluged your island in blood, and dispersed impiety, bigotry, persecu- 
tion, murder, and rebellion through every part of the world. This being 
a true state of facts, let us beseech you to consider to what end they lead. 
Admit that the ministry, by the powers of Britain, and the aid of our 
Eoman Catholic neighbors, should be able to carry the point of taxation, 
and reduce us to a state of perfect humiliation and slavery. Such an enter- 
prise would doubtless make some addition to your national debt, which 
already presses down your liberties, and fills you with pensioners and 
placemen. We presume, also, that your commerce will somewhat be 
diminished. However, suppose you should prove victorious, in what con- 
dition will you then be ? What advantages or what laurels will you reap 
from such a conquest? . . . 

May not a ministry with the same armies enslave you ? — ^It may be said, 
you will cease to pay them, — but remember the taxes from America, the 
wealth, and we may add the men, and particularly the Roman Catholics 
of this vast continent, will then be in the power of your enemies; nor will 
you have any reason to expect, that after making slaves of us, many among 
us should refuse to assist in reducing you to the same abject state. . . . 

We believe there is yet much virtue, much justice, and much public 
spirit in the English nation. — To that justice we now appeal. You have 
been told that we are seditious, impatient of government, and desirous of 
independency. Be assured that these are not facts, but calumnies. — Permit 
us to be as free as yourselves, and we shall ever esteem a union with you, 
to be our greatest glory and our greatest happiness ; we shall ever be ready 



64 Notes. [616 

to contribute all in our power to the welfare of the empire ; we shall con- 
sider your enemies as our enemies, and your interest as our own. . . . 

But, if you are determined that your ministers shall wantonly sport with 
the rights of mankind — if neither the voice of justice, the dictates of the 
law, the principles of the constitution, or the suggestions of humanity, can 
restrain your hands from shedding human blood, in such an impious cause, 
we must then tell you, that we will never submit to be hewers of wood,'or 
drawers of water for any ministry or nation in the world. 



INDEX TO TENTH VOLUME 

OF 

Johns Hopkins University Studies 



IN 



HISTORICAL AND POLITICAL SCIENCE. 



Act of Supremacy, 96 ; University, 
98; of 1752, 163; for ecc. regula- 
tion, 169 ; effect of, 170; for relief 
of sober conscience, 170. 

Adams, Dr. Herbert B., on Colum- 
bus and his Discovery, 471-503. 

Adams, .John, his letter quoted, 576, 
577. 

Adams, Samuel, and the declaration, 
591-592. 

Agesilaus, cited, 398. 

Agmenticus, 120. 

Albemarle colony. {See North Caro- 
lina. ) 

Alhambra, surrender of, 485. 

Aliaco, Pedro de, ('ardinal, 470. 

America, discovery of, 472; first is- 
land, 490 ; meaning of, 501 ; who 
first saw, 511; first Jew in, Dr. 
Kayserling on, 510-513. 

American causes of discontent, 
Franklin on, 595 ; principles 
argued, 602-603. 

Amherst, Gen'l, 369 ; and the French 
and Indian War, 370. 

Anabaptist, 164. 

Andover, church of, 153. 

Andres, 124, 567. 



Antilia, Island of, 483. 
Applegarth, Dr. A. C, on Quakers 

in Pennsylvania, 385-464. 
Archdale, John, and the Quakers in 

North Carolina, 271-272. 
Aristotle, view of the world, 473; 

"Pleavens," 474; E. J. Payne, 

quoted, note 474. 
Asia, route of reaching, 476. 
Atlantis, continent of, 473. 
Azores, 480. 

B 

Backus, Isaac, quoted, 117, 137. 

Bacon, Roger, "Opus Majus," quoted, 
476. 

Balboa, 473. 

Balkom, Mr., 185. 

Baltimore, Lord, and the confirma- 
tion of the charter, 5, 6 ; his policy 
toward religious freedom, 199-215, 
218 ; his paper on religious affairs 
in Maryland, quoted, 230, 231. 

Bancroft, quoted, 247 ; relates Penn's 
action toward Indians, 444. 

Bandholtz, August, 52. 

Bank, the Illinois State, failure of, 
59; the Nebraska Western Ex- 
change, 63. 

Baptism, question of, 140. 

65 



66 



Index. 



[618 



Baptists, law against, 115, 164 ; per- 
secution of, 121, 137; in Boston, 
144, 145; in Rehoboth, 144; under 
Plymouth colony, 151 ; increase 
of, 155 ; prominent men, 156 ; in 
Mass., 161, 102, 164; efibrt of, 
during Revolution period, 177 ; 
Free-Will Aiiti-pedo, 183. 

Barrowists, 99. 

Barry, prison writings of, 100. 

Bartholomew, brother of Columbus, 
481. 

Beaconsfield, Lord, quoted, 558. 

Beardsley, Dr., quoted, 145. 

Beecher, Dr. Lyman, cited, 182. 

Bennington, church in, 132 ; Dec- 
laration of Rights, 132. 

Berglund, Andreas, 27 ; becomes the 
guardian of Eric Janson's son. 

Berkeley^ Sir William, 251, 253. 

Bertrand,' Paul, 234. 

Bill of Rights, 166, 172, cited, 183; 
of Maine, 184; of Massachusetts, 
185 ; Amendment, 188. 

Bishop Hill Colony, the, M. A. Mik- 
kelsen on, 1-80 ; the first Settle- 
ment of, 29 ; origin of the name 
of, 37 ; incorporation of, 48, 89 ; 
community of, 51 ; economical as- 
pect of, 52, 53 ; social aspect of, 54, 
55 ; introduction of the doctrine of 
celibacy, 56 ; education among, 57 ; 
religious aspect of, 58 ; internal 
dissensions among, 64-68 ; dissolu- 
tion of, 68 ; causes of failure, 69, 
70 ; causes of success, 70 ; the pres- 
ent town of Bishop Hill, 71 ; char- 
ter of, 73, 74 ; the old by-laws of, 
74-76 ; the new by-laws of, 76-80. 

Biskopsknlla Parish, 16. 

Black, Dr. J. William, on Maryland's 
attitude in the struggle for C'anada, 
311-379. 

Blair, Rev. John, and his mission in 
North Carolina, 280-281. 

Blest, Islands of, 480. 

Bond, Oov., 58. 

Boston, Churcli, 142; dissenters in, 
144 ; separation of church from 
town, 152. 

Boston Port Bill, 606. 

Bothnia, gulf of, 11. 

Braddock, Gen I Edward, arrival of, 
326 ; expedition against Fort Du- 
quesne, 330. 



Bray, Bev. Thomas, and the Estab- 
lished Church in North Carolina, 
279. 

Brewster, William, 100 ; Elder, 152. 

Brown, Robert, and his doctrine, 99. 

Brownists, rise and doctrine of, 99 ; 
leaders of, 99 ; in Holland, 100- 
101 ; reasons for their removal to 
America, 102 ; idea of relation of 
Church and State, 107. 

Browne, Dr. William Hand, quoted, 
204, 205. 

Buck, quoted, 165. 

Bulkeley, 145. 

Burgess, Bisliop, 188. 

Burke, Edmund, quoted, 435, 580, 
581, 595; his speeches and consti- 
tutional rights, 599 ; on colonies, 
602. 

C 

California, discoveries of gold in, 45. 

Callender, Mr. Ellis, 156. 

Calvert, Baltimore's sec'y, 326; at- 
tempts to bribe the assembly, 375, 
376. 

Calvert, Charles, his letter quoted, 
209. 

Calvinistic, state church, 188. 

Cambridge Platform, 116. 

Canada, ceded to England, 561, 562. 

Canal, the Illinois and Michigan, 
construction of, 58, 59. 

Canary Islands, discovery of, 473, 480. 

(\interbury, Archbishop of, his letter 
quoted, 227, 228. 

Cape Fear, settlement of, 253. 

Cape Non, 480. 

Cape of Good Hope, 473. 

Cape Porpoise, l-!0. 

Cary, Col., and William Glover, 293- 
297 ; and the Carv rebellion, 297- 
300. 

Cary Rebellion, the missionary Gor- 
don's account of, 288 ; the causes 
of, 291, 292 ; outbreak of, 297 ; end 
of, 300 ; result of, 300, 301. 

Castelar, Spanish statesman. 485. 

Cathay, 482. 

Catholics and Protestants, relative 
power in e:irly Maryland, 215- 
218; treatment of, 370-372. 

Certificate, system and argument, 
165: for dissenters, 174. 



619] 



Index, 



67 



Charles Francis Adrian, 495. 
Charles II, and franchise, 142 ; letters 
to Massachusetts, 143 ; and charters 
of Maryland, 251. 
Chalmers, quoted, 437. 
Charters, of 1691 in Massachusetts, 
117, 151; in N. H., 124; pro- 
visions for liberty of conscience, 
117; of 1G39, 119; of William 
and Mary, 122; of 1644, 129; of 
1663, 130; history of religious lil>- 
ertv, 167 ; of Maryland, concerning 
religion, 193-199. 
Cheshire, En: J. B., quoted, 248. 
Chipman, Hoyu Daniel, and Memoir 

of Thomas Chittenden, 172. 
Choiseul, quoted, 563. 
Cholera, Asiatic, 35, 36. 
Christison, 135. 

Church of England, attempt to estab- 
lish in Maryland, 225-234 ; estab- 
lishment of, 237--38. 
Church, the Established, in North 
Carolina, the first struggle with the 
Dissenters. 272-276; the second 
struggle, 277-300. 
Churchman, .John, 444. 
Cipango, 483. 
Clavton, Rev. Mr. 426. 
Clifton, Mr. Richard, 100. 
Colbert, and his policy, 560, 570. 
Coleridge, 409. 

Colonies and England, relation, Eng- 
lish side, 587 ; American view, 588. 
Colonv, comparison of Greek, Roman, 
and modern idea of a colony, 564- 
566. 
Columbus, Christopher, and Dis- 
covery of America, Dr. IT. B. 
Adams on, 472-503; foresight of, 
471 ; immortal deeds of, 472 ; re- 
lation to poet-prophets, 475-476 ; 
to schoolmen, etc., 476; his letter 
to Ferdinand, 478 ; his summary 
of classical reading, 478 ; his youth, 
480; good example to, 481; his 
first appeal, 484; final triumph, 
485 ; origin of equipment, 486 ; 
his departure, 486; announcement 
of discovery, 489; his first idea of 
America, 490; his "blunder" and 
contribution, 490; critics on, 491, 
493; prerogatives, vote, 492; his 
later letters, 492 ; a royal captive, 
493 ; his death, 493 ; his low estate, 



note, 494; relics of, 500; his real 
object, 504 ; his religious sincerity, 
505 ; a crusader, 505 ; memory of, 
506; bibliographies of, 524-530. 
Columbus M(yrnnt)erits,V>a\timo\eJ^M ; 
Barcelona. 549 ; Columbus, O., 541 ; 
Genoa, 547, 549; Granada, 551; 
Harrisburg, 539; Madrid, 548; 
New York, 537 ; Palos, 549 ; Wat- 
ling's Island, 543; Washington, 
541 ; Sldtne.-^; Baltimore. 539 ; Bos- 
ton, 535, 536, 539 ; Cardenas, 542 ; 
Chicago, 540; Colon, Cuba, 544; 
Colon, Panama, 546 ; Genoa, 550 ; 
Havana, 543; Isabella, 544 ; Lima, 
545; Madrid, 550; Mexico, 546; 
Nassau, 542 ; New York, 536 ; 
Philadelphia, 537 ; Sacramento, 
Cab, 537; Santo Domingo, 543; 
St. Louis, 537; Valparaiso, 547; 
Washington, 535; Willimantic, 
Conn., 540; Busl.^; Brooklyn, 540 ; 
Cogoleto, 548 ; Genoa, 550 ; Ha- 
vana, 544 ; New York, 540 ; Pavia, 
548 ; Rome, 551 ; Santiago, 547 ; 
Washington, 540; Arch; Barcel- 
ona, 551; New York, 538; Fouv- 
Uiiim; Colon, Panama, 546; Mad- 
rid, 551 ; New York, 54! ; Ousfodia, 
Genoa, 547 ; Tablet, Havana, 542 ; 
Mcdulli'm, Newark, 540; J'divting 
and door, Washington, 535, 536 ; 
Portrait.% 552. 
Communism, Jansonists' idea of, 27. 
Congregational, 187 ; and Unitarian, 

187. 
Congress, address to English, 614. 
Connecticut, colony of, 125; Puritan 
colony, 126; first Church, 125 ; re- 
lation of Church and State, 126 ; 
Congregational order approved in, 
127; condition of in 1680, 127; 
toleration law, 137; franchise in, 
138 ; breaking up of town-church. 
system, 153; law of 1784, 171; 
lawof 1791, cited, 181. 
Constitution, of Massachusetts, 165; 
Federal, concerning religious free- 
dom, 177; amendments, 178. 
Convention, the Albany, 316, 324. 
Copley, jUr., his letter, (pioted, 205. 
Cornelius, C. A., quoted, 14. 
Countv Court, 116. 
Cranfi'eld, 124. 
Cranmer, 95. 



68 



Index. 



[620 



Crimean war, 63. 

Cromwell and the Independents, 256 ; 

and the Navigation acts, 570. 
Cronau, Kudolf, 488. 
Cuba, Island of, 512. 
Cutler, Rector of Yale college, 156. 

D 

Dably, Mr., 463. 

D'Ailly, Cardinal, "Imago Mundi," 
quoted, 477. 

Danforth, Thomas, 121. 

Daniel, Vol. Kobert, and the Vestry 
Act, 279. 

Dante, quoted, 475. 

Darien, 473. 

Davenport, .John, and his sermon, 125. 

Davenport, Rev. Mr., 141. 

Declaration of Independence, quoted, 
557, 569, 570. 

Declaration of Rights, 593 ; basis of, 
593; Declaratory Act, 604; John 
Adams and Franklin on, 604; 
Townshend on, 605. 

Dedham case, cited, 187. 

De Garden, historian, quoted, 589. 

Denny, Gov. William, of Pennsyl- 
vania, 363. 

De Puy, quoted, 132. 

Devotionalists, origin of, 14; society 
of, 16. 

Dexter, Dr. H. M., 99. 

Dickinson, Jonathan, his letter, 455. 

Dinwiddle, d'or., of Virginia, and his 
defense against the French, 322- 
323 ; his letter, quoted, 325. 

Discovery of America, Dr. Wood on, 
504-508; how begun, 473; first 
seen, 488 ; first monument, 494 ; 
second monument, 497 ; and ex- 
pulsion of Jews, 510; bibliogra- 
phies of, 520; of pre-Columbian 
claims, 520-524 ; of Vespucci and 
the Cabots, 530-532; Ilarrisse, 
quoted, 490. 

Dissenters, increase of, 154; victory 
of, 157, 161; and congress, 164; 
certificate for, 174; and Republi- 
cans, 182 ; effort of, under Bill of 
rights, 185; in North Carolina. 
{See Quakers.) 

Dorchester, 114. 

Doyle, on Articles of Pilgrims, 104. 

Dunbar, Col., 330. 



Dunster, P/r.s., of Harvard College, 

156. 
Duxbury, 112. 



E 



Eaton, Theodore, 125. 

Edmundson, Wm., the first preacher 
in North Carolina, 260 ; his jour- 
nal, quoted, 60-61 ; a second visit 
to North Carolina, 263. 

Edwards, Jonathan, 170. 

Elizabeth, Queen, her letter to Sir 
Walter Raleigh, quoted, 196. 

Endicott, Gov., letter to, 135, 136. 

Endicott, John, 110. 

English government, colonies treated 
by, 590. 

Episcopalians, in Connecticut, 161 ; 
in Massachusetts, 162; of Fair- 
field, 167. 

Escobar, Portuguese nobleman, 482. 

Evans, Gov., 423, 442. 

Exempting laws, 161 ; influence of, 
162, 164, 168; in Connecticut, 168. 



F 



Falmouth, 121. 

"Four Intolerable Measures," 606- 

608 ; Massachusetts against, 607. 
Ferdinand, 478; his order, 510. 
Fisk, John, cited, 481. 
Forbes, Genl, an expedition against 

Fort Duquesne, 369-370. 
Fort Cumberland, 328; garrisoned, 

331, 353 ; the reduction of the 

force of, 367. 
Fort Duquesne, 323 ; an expedition 

against, 325. 
Fox, George, and his preachings in 

North Carolina, 262, 270 ; quoted, 

388, 389, 392, 402. 
France, humiliation of, 561. 
Franklin, Benjamin, and his mis- 
sion to England, 364-365 ; defends 

Maryland's cause, 372; goes to 

England again, 378 ; quoted, 595. 
Frederick, Lord Baltimore, 316, 340: 

and the assembly, 353-359, 373. 
Frederick the Great, and the rise of 

the house of Hohenzollern, 561. 
Free-Will Anti-Pedo Baptists, rise 

of, 183. 



621] 



Index. 



69 



G 



Galva, city of, 60, 61 ; the head- 
quarters of l;ishop Hill colony, 61. 

Ganlan, William, 404. 

Gette, city of, 15; departure of the 
Jansonists from, 28. 

General Assembly, 41 1 ; first measure 
bv, 412; law concerning Sabbath, 
4i8. 

General Court, 115, 116, 170; of 
Connecticut, and letter to King, 
137 ; and Half-way cov^enant, 141 ; 
and commissioners, 142-143; and 
division of church, 154. 

George III, and Quakers, 388. 

Germantown, 450. 

Gilbert, Raleigh, 118. 

Gloucester, town of, 153. 

Glover, William, and Col. Cary, 293- 
297'. 

Grahame, Mr., cited, 388 ; cited, 
428, 436, 447. 

Granada, 485. 

Grand Council of 1641 and resolu- 
tion, 169. 

Granville, Lord John, and the Test 
Act, 281, 283. 

"Great Law.s," 391, 396; law con- 
cerning second marriage, 413 ; bill 
concerning prison, 414. 

Green, quoted, 256, 557, 558, 561, 563. 

Green Harbor, 113. 

Green, Roger, 258. 

Greenwood, prison writings of, 100. 

Grenville, and his policy, 556, 578, 
582. 

Grindall, 97. 

Goethe, quoted, 507. 

Gordon, the missionary, quoted, 266; 
account of the Cary rebellion, 288. 

Gorges' Heirs, 121. 

Gott, Charles, and writing. 111. 

Government, Federal, and religion, 
179. 

Guanahani, 489. 

H 

Half-way covenant, 141, 170 ; and its 

results, 158. 
Hallam, quoted, 94. 
Hammond, Mr., 216. 
Hampden, Mr., cited, 600. 



Hanno, the Carthaginian, 473, 
Harrison, Rev. Thomas, 215. 
Hartford, 125 ; second church of, 153. 
Harvey, Thomas, and the Quakers in 

North Carolina, 271, 272. 
Hawks, Dr., quoted, 248, 283, 286. 
Haynes, 125. 
Hebbe, Mr.s., 31. 
Hebrew prophecy, 475. 
Hellstrom, Mr., 31. 
Helsingland, 11 ; religious state of, 

12 ; main occupation of the people 

of, 15. 
Henden, Nils, an apostle of Janson- 

ism, 31 ; success of, 56 ; and the 

doctrine of celibacy, 56, 69. 
Henry, Patrick, and his Resolution, 

591 unie; by Congress of '74, 612. 
Henry, Prince, th^Navigator, 481. 
Hercules, pillars of, 473. 
Herodotus, quoted, 433. 
Higginson, 110, 111. 
Hispaniola, Island of, 478. 
Holdernesse, Lord, 322. 
Hooker, 125. 
Horrland, 15. 
Hough, quoted, 130. 
Hovey, 163. 
Hubbard, quoted, 109. 
Humboldt, Alex, von, 490. 
Hyde, Edward, 251 ; and the Cary 

rebellion, 297-300. 



Illinois, the Jansonists settle in, 27. 
Immigrants, from Sweden, 28, 37. 
India, new route to, 481, 482. 
Indians, respect Penn, 445. 
Isabella, 478. 



James I, and the importation of con- 
victs, '347. 

Janson, Eric, childhood of, 16 ; 
change in religious view, 17 ; in- 
terview with Olson, 18; the rise 
of Jansonism, 18; relation to the 
Methodists, 20 ; preachings of, 20, 
21 ; arrests of, 22, 23 ; comes to 
America, 27 ; communistic idea of, 
27 ; his authority over the colony, 
38; trouble with John Root, 39; 



70 



Index. 



[622 



Murder of, 42; funeral of, 44; 
personal appearance of, 45. 

Janson, Mrs., actual head of the 
Jansonists, 43, 44; i-emoval to 
Pleasant Hill, .% ; death of, 70. 

Jansonists, the rise of, 19; persecu- 
tions of, 20, 21, 22, 23; burning of 
religious books, 22, 23 ; doctrine 
of, 25 ; religious communism the 
aim of, 27 ; society of, 27 ; de- 
parture for America, 28, 29 ; pur- 
chase of land in Illinois, 29 ; 
. tabernacle erected, 30 ; sufferings 
of, 30-33; progress of, 32, 34; 
Asiatic cholera among, 35, 36 ; 
introduction of the doctrine of 
celibacy, ^>& ; last day of, 71. 

Jeffrey, Mr.. 389. 

Jerusalem, the new, 26. 

Jesuits, the, in Maryland, 205, 207, 
208. 

Jewell, 97. 

Jews and Quakers, the status of, in 
early Maryland, 222-224, 236. 

Johnson, Olof, 27 ; enterprise of, 62, 
63 ; failure of, 63 ; death of, 68. 

Johnson, Sir Nathaniel, and the 
Test Act in South Carolina, 281, 
282. 

Juan Perez, friend of Columbus, 485. 

K 

Keith, Gov., 388, 399. 

Kent Island, settled by Protestants, 

217. 
Kett, quoted, 60. 
Kilcacenen, king of the Yeopim 

Indians, 259. 
Kinnett, Thomas, 393. 
Kittery, 120. 
Knox, quoted, 584, 585 ; refutes 

American claims, 588. 
Krauskopf, Rabbi Dr. Joseph, extract 

from lecture, 513, note. 
Kresheim, 450. 



Las Casas, 491. 

Lauer, Paul E., A. M., on Church 
and State in New England, 93-188. 
Lanier, Sidney, quoted, 487. 
Lazarus, Emma, and her verses, 509. 



Lecky, quoted, 570, 572, 580, 603. 

Le Mayeur, Dr., 405. 

Lewgar, Mr., 205 ; and the Jesuits, 
206, 207, 208. 

Licenses, ordinary, in Maryland, dis- 
pute of, 341-346. 

Lisbon, 480. 

Ljusne, riyer of, 11. 

Locke, and the Fundamental Consti- 
tution, 254, 256. 

Logun, SecJ ij, 435. 

London, the Bishop of, 228. 

Louisiana, lost to France, 561, 562. 

M 

McCarthy, quoted, 558. 

Maderia, Islands, 480. 

Maine, the Popham Colony, 118 
church of, 119; goyernment of, 
120-122; relation of church and 
state, 122. 

Markham, Clements E., English 
naval officer, 479. 

Markham, Gov., 426. 

Markin, Thomas, 399. 

Martin, quoted, 248, 286. 

Maryland, early, church and state in, 
Dr. George Petrie on, 194-238. 

Maryland's attitude in the struggle 
for Canada, Dr. J. William Black 
on, 309-379. (See his Table of con- 
tents, 313.) 

Massachusetts, ecclesiastical begin- 
ning of. 111 ; foundation of com- 
monwealth, 112; beginning of 
New Town, 112; relation of church 
and state, 114-115 ; laws to support 
preachers, 116-117; law against 
Quakers, 117 ; persecution in, 134 ; 
religious liberty, 135-136, 162; 
franchise in, 139-140, 142; half- 
way covenant, 140; controversy 
with King Charles, 145-146; all 
persecuting laws repealed, 146; 
new constitution, 165 ; law of 1799, 
186; law to support public teach- 
ers, 186 ; religious freedom act, 
186; U^nitarian ascendency, 186; 
MfissachuKeltn BUI, 606. 
Mather, Dr. Cotton and sermon, 156. 
Mather, Dr. Increase, 156 ; letters of, 

160. 
Mattson, Johannes, 16. 



623] 



Index. 



71 



Maverick, John, 114. 
Mercantilism, {)olicy of European 

nations in ISth century, 571. 
Mercury Gazette, 456. 
Metcalf, Timothy, 417. 
Methodist, 183, 186. 
Mitilin, Warner, 463. 
Mii<kelsen, i\Iichael A., on the Bishop 

Hill Colony, 1-80. 
jNIoney, paper, in Maryland, 349-352. 
Montesquieu, quoted, 564. 
Moore, John W., (j noted, 248. 
JMore, Father, 215. 
Morris, Gov., of Pennsylvania, and 

the assemblv, 360, 361. 
Moseley, Edward, 290, 295. 
Murray, Mr., and his suit, 185. 



N 



Navigation Acts, 566; and English 
power on the sea, 570, 571 ; elects 
upon American industry, 573. 

New England, Church and State in, 
3Ir. Paul E. Lauer on, 93-188; 
commissioners of, 142 ; population 
in 1700, 148; people of, 148; in- 
dustry, 149 ; commercial life and 
religion of, 160; early religious 
and civil system reviewed, 151 ; 
Episcopalians in, 155; religious 
condition of, 157, 159, 161 ; causes 
of separation of church and state, 
175; religious liberty, 180; dis- 
establishment of church, 180; 
causes of dis-establishment, 188. 

New Hampshire, colonization of, 
122; early settlement in, 123; 
Massachusetts law in, 123; first 
legislature, 123; N. PI. Historical 
Collections, quoted, 123; laws of, 
1 24 ; relation of Church and State, 
124j law of 1714, cited, 171 ; Bill 
of rights, 172 ; amendment to con- 
stitution, 183. 

New Haven, 125 ; Bancroft, quoted, 
126. 

Newell, 97. 

Nicolas de Lira, 478. 

Noddle Island, 144. 

North Carolina, religious develop- 
ment in the province of. Dr. S. B. 
Weeks on, 241-303. See Table of 
Contents, 243. 



Nylund, a Jansonist Missionary, 35. 



o 



Ohio company, the, the formation of, 
322. 

Olson, Jonas, childhood of, 11 ; con- 
version of, 12; and the Devo- 
tionalists, 13, 16 ; interview with 
Janson, 18; coming to America, 
27 ; becomes the leader of the 
colony, 47-48 ; goes to California 
in quest of gold, 45 ; the actual 
head of the B. H. Colony, 48 ; and 
the doctrine of celibacy, 56. 

Olson, Olof, 11; coming to America, 
26 ; death of, 27. 

Onas, 432. 

Orviedo, 511. 

Otis, and the writs of assistance, 577. 

Owen, Samuel, 13. 



Parker, and his idea of reform, 97. 

Penn, William, cited, 387, 390, 429 ; 
funeral of, 404 ; and Indians, 430 ; 
treaty with Indians, 431-433 ; his 
success, 437 ; his letters, 438, 447 ; 
and slaves, 448. 

Pennsylvania, inactivity during the 
P^rench and Indian war, 328, 
331 ; influence upon Maryland, 
359-365; taxation of proprietary 
estates, 360-365 ; opposition to 
proprietary rule, 378 ; Great Law 
of, 391 ; colony of, 394 ; Univer- 
sity of, 399 ; first dentist of, 405 ; 
constitution of, 410; governing 
body, 411; law against duelling, 
416 ; Quakers in, br. A. C. Apple- 
garth on, 385-464. 

Penobscot Bay, 121. 

Persico, 498. 

Petrie, Dr. George, on church and 
state in early Maryland, 194-238. 

Philadelphia, compared with Geneva, 
406. 

Phoenix Bank, 182. 

Pilgrims, negotiation with Virginia 
Co., 104 ; their form of govern- 
ment, 108. 

Pindar, quoted, 385. 



72 



Index. 



[624 



Piscataqua, 122, 

Pitt, 560. 

Plato, 473. 

Pliny, cited, 478. 

Plymouth and Salem, 110-111 ; de- 
sertion of, 113. 

Pollock, Mrs., 31 ; becomes Janson's 
wife, 43 ; actual head of the Jan- 
sonists, 43, 44; death of, 70. 

Polo, Marco, 483. 

Popham, (ieorge, 118. 

Porter, Edmund, his mission to 
England, 283 ; and the Gary re- 
bellion, 295, 300. 

Porter, John, and the Gary rebellion, 
296, 300. 

Portsmouth, 124. 

Proprietary, of Maryland, rise and 
decline of its powers, 318-320; 
the assembly against the rights of, 
333 ; revenue of, 338, 334 ; refuses 
to .share the burdens of taxation, 
352-359 ; of Pennsylaania, refuses 
to share the burdens of taxation, 
360-365; attempts to bribe the 
assembly, 375, '376. 

Proprietors, the, of North Carolina, 
2.ol ; the policy of, 278-279. 

Protestants, English in Switzerland, 
95. 

Protestantism, under Edward VI. 
94; under Mary, 95 ; under Eliza- 
beth, 96; two parties of, 97. 

Proud, the historian, (|uoted, 442. 

Provincial council, 410. 

Pulci, poet, " Greater Morning," 476. 

Punchard, Mr., (juoted, 110. 

Puritans, rise of, 97 ; against two 
Acts, 98 ; divisions of, 98 ; object 
in coming to America, 109 ; colony 
in Massachusetts, 1(19-110; exten- 
sion of colony, 114; decline of old 
church and causes, 159; Puritan 
government in early Maryland, 
219-224, 236; and Gatholics, 219- 
221 ; status of Jews and Quakers 
under Puritan government, 222- 
224, 236. 

Pythagoras, view concerning earth, 
473. 

Q 

Quakers, released, 1 35 ; increase of, 
155 ; as social outlaws, 156 ; in Mas- 



sachusetts, 162; and Jews, status 
of. in early Maryland, 222 224, 
236 ; and Gary rebellion, 288-301 ; 
faith, 38-5 ; customs and manners, 
386-413; legislature, 414-427; 
crisis of, 427-4-18 ; and Indians, 
430-444 ; and slavery, 448-464. 

Quebec Act, 608. 

Quinsay, city of, 483. 



E 



Railroad, the Chicago, Burlington 
and Quincy, and the Rishop Hill 
colony, 60; Western Air Line, 63. 

Red Oak Grove, purchased by the 
Jansonists, 29. 

Reformation, in England, 93-99 ; 
causes of, 93-94. 

Requisitions, ci'own, 367 ; refusal of, 
368. 

Resolution, for Universalists, 183; 
in favor for Methodist, 183. 

Revolution, the American, Prof. 
James A. Woodburn on the causes 
of, 552-616 ; the starting point for 
the study of, 558 ; relation of the 
seven years war to, 559-563 ; indi- 
rect causes of, 566-579 ; direct 
causes of, 579. 

Revolution, the Protestant, of 1689, 
237. 

Rhode Island, founder of, 128 ; rela- 
tion of church and state, 129 ; 
religious freedom, 130; religious 
liberty, 137, 138, 175; religion of, 
161 ; disfranchised Gatholics, 175. 

Richardson, John, 417. 

Robinson, John, 100 ; and the Sepa- 
ratists, 256. 

Rogers, Randolph, 498. 

Root, John, admission into Bishop 
Hill, 38; withdrawal of, 39; 
threatens Bishop Hill, 40, 41; 
kills Eric Janson, 42; death of, 
70. 

Rosenius, C. O., aitd Hallean pietism, 
13. 

s 

Saco, 120. 
Sagadahoc, 118. 
Sanchez, Gabriel, 512. 



625] 



Index. 



73 



San Salvador, 489. 

Sandys, 97. 

Sanderson, Ambrose, 234. 

Satareru, Portuguese nobleman, 482. 

Saunders, Oil., quoted, 249. 

Saybrook, 125. 

Saybrook Platform, 169 ; abrogated, 
171. 

Scarborough, 121, 122. 

Schafi; Dr., cited, 179. 

Schon, Sophia, 22. 

Scituate, 113. 

Scott, George, and his preachings, 13. 

Screven, Mr., 121. 

Seneca, verse quoted, 475. 

Separates and state churches, 170. 

Separatists and their objects, 103. 

Seymour, Mr., 118. 

Sharpe, Horatio, the Governor of 
Maryland, 317; situation of, 326, 
331, 355, 357, 358; his letter 
quoted, 367 ; noble conduct of, 
371 ; opposes Calvert's scheme of 
bribery, 376-378. 

Shattock, 135. 

Sherd in. Rev., 12. 

"Ship of Fools," quoted, 506. 

Shirley, Gov., of Massachusetts, suc- 
ceed (Jen. Bradock, 331 ; his 
recommendation on tax, 583, 584. 

Simons, Nelson, J\f. D., 31. 

Skelton, Mr., 110, 111. 

Smith, Goldwin, quoted, 564. 

Smith, John, 101. 

Society of Jesus, its record, quoted, 
206. 

Soderala Parish, 11, 13. 

South Carolina, and the Test Act, 
281-284. 

Southeby, William, 454. 

Stamp Act, the, 580, 585 ; colonies 
against, 589 ; revenue collected by, 
591, 595 ; cited, 597 ; Pitt against, 
600, 601 ; Mr. Lecky on, 603 ; 
repealed, 604. 

Standing Order, 157, 161, 163, 181. 

Statute of Six Artirles, 93. 

Stenberg, Olof, 27, 36. 

Stockholm, 11, 12, 28. 

Stoddard and doctrine, 158. 

Stone, 125. 

Stoughton, 145, 151 ; Congregational 
minister upon, 152. 

Swainson, John, quoted, 54. 

Swansea, 144. 



Sweden, religious state of, 13 ; de- 
parture of the Jansonists from, 25. 

Synod of 1679 and question debated, 
149. 



Talbot, iJev., 31. 

Tariff, English, against colonial pro- 
ducts, 586. 

Taxation, by Parliament, reasons for, 
585 ; opposition to, 591 ; "material 
distinction" of, 594, 597 ; Franklin 
on. 597 ; Burke on, 598 ; Pitt on, 
600-601; Lord Camden, 601; party 
of the ministry on, 601 ; Towns- 
hend on, 604 ; commercial, 605. 

Test Act, the, in South Carolina, 
281-282. 

Toleration, in Connecticut, 156, 167 ; 
in N. II., 184; in early Maryland, 
199-218 ; acts of Assembly of 1649, 
211-214. 

Torres, Luis de, Jewish interpreter, 
512. 

Torry, Rev. Samuel, of Weymouth, 
and sermon, 159. 

Toscanelli, Paul, 482; his letter to 
Columbus, 482-483. 

Townsend, Richard, 444. 

Trade and Plantation Committee 
records, quoted, 228, 229 ; letter to 
Lord Baltimore, quoted, 232, 233. 

Transportation Bill, 607 ; comment of 
Lecky, 607. 

Treaty of Paris of 1763, 560 ; and ter- 
ritorial re-adjustment in America, 
562. 

Turgot, quoted, 564. 

Tuscarora war, the, 301, 302. 

u 

Utrecht, the peace of, 321. 



V 

Vermont, early settlement of, 131 ; 
controversy with N. Y., 131 ; rela- 
tion of church and state, 132; law 
for support of ministers, 173; law 
for dissenters, 174; law of 1801, 
180 ; dis-establishment of church, 
181. 



74 



Index, 



[626 



Vestry Act, in North Carolina, 284. 

w 

Walker, Henderson, quoted, 266 ; 
and the established church in 
North Carolina, 272, 275, 278. 

Walpole, 560, 583. 

War, the French and Indian, out- 
break of, 222 ; the failure of the 
English expedition, 330; Seven 
Years, 559 ; its relation to the 
American revolution, 559-563 ; its 
results upon European politics, 
560-563. 

Warham, John, 114. 

Washington, George, and the French 
and Indian war, 322-324. 

Watson, annalist, cited, 403, quoted, 
449. 

Webb, Mr. John, 156 ; Joseph and 
letter, 157. 

Weeks, Dr. S. B., on the religious 
development in the province of 
North Carolina, 245-306. 

Wethersfield, 125. .^' 

Wheeler, John H., quoted, 248. 

White, Falher, 215, 217. 

White, Rev. John, his pamphlet, 109, 
149. 

Whiting, 3fr., 153. 

Willard, Mr., quoted, 160. 



Williams, Rogers, his view of church 

and state, 128-129 ; banishment, 

128 ; oppo-es the union of church 

and state, 257. 
Williamson, Hugh, quoted, 247. 
Willymot, Mr., 234. 
Windsor, 125. 

Winsor, Justin, cited, 488, 490. 
Winthrop, 3fr., 113, 125; sailed for 

England, 138, 139. _ 
Winthrop, Gov., his journal, quoted, 

216. 
Wood, Dr. Henry, on the discovery 

of America, 504-508. 
Woodburn, Prof. James A., on the 

causes of the American revolution, 

552-616. 
Woodberry, Prof. Geo., poem quoted, 

471. 
Woolman, John, 455, 460; his 

speech, 458. 
Woolsey, Pres., quoted, 157. 
Writs of assistance, 576, 577. 

Y 

Yeamans, Sir John, and the Claren- 
don colony, 253. 
Yeo, Rev., his letter quoted, 226-227. 



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250 pages. Svo. Cloth. Price, $1.50. 

The aim of the author has been to show with somewhat less detail than has 
been adopted in more voluminous productions, yet with sufficient breadth of out- 
line, the general prevalence of constitutional institutions among peoples who 
have made any advance at all in political organization. The illustrations of the 
subject have been tnken principally from the fields of politics and jurisprudence, 
though when required, or when it seemed to the author appropriate, other 
sources were utilized. 



NEW EXTRA VOLUMES. 



AMERICA 



Its Geographical History, 1492 to the Present, 

By DR. WALTER B. SCAIFE. 

This work invites attention to the ranch-neglected borderland that nnites 
history and geography. 

Starting with the discovery of Guanahani in 1492, it shows, by reference to 
maps and writings of the sixteenth century, tiie gradual evolution of the Atlantic 
and Pacific coast-lines in the consciousness of Europe. The third chapter sketches 
the slow growth of knowledge in Europe regarding the vast interior of the 
American continents and of the polar regions. There is a full discussion of the 
historical uses and the theories as to the origin of the names America, Canada, 
and Brazil. The history of our border lines, national and state, then engages 
the writer's attention ; who passes*from that subject to the geographical work of 
the national government, in treating which he has been aided by much informa- 
tion furnished direct from the offices of the Coast and Geological Surveys. In a 
Supplement Dr. Scaife undertakes to prove, contrary to the general opinion, that 
the Mississippi River is not always or even usually to be understood when the 
Spanish geographers mention the Rio del Espiritu Santo. The work will be 
illustrated by phototypes made from photographs of the famous Weimar and 
other maps, taken specially for the author. The volume will be sold for $1.50. 



THE OLD ENGLISH MANOR. 

By C. M. ANDREWS, Ph. D., 

t A.ssociiitp, in Hixtorrj, Bryii Maicr College. 

280 pages. 8vo. Cloth. Price, $1.50. 

This work is an attempt to reconstruct the village and manorial organization 
and life in England at the beginning of the eleventh century. The study is 
based largely on the well known documents Recliludinea Si.ngularum Personarum 
and Gerefa, the latter of which has never before been ased for historical purposes. 
In addition all Anglo-Saxon literature has been put under contribution, that the 
study might be as complete as possible. Such reconstruction has more than a 
merely antiquarian interest, for it relates to an important period of English 
economic history. It shows the complete isolation of local life, the preeminence 
of agriculture, and the secondary importance of craft and artisan work. It brings 
Anglo-Saxon farming methods into line with [)ost-Norman and shows the tenacity 
of the old life and custom, crude and uneconomical as it was, uninfluenced, to 
any great extent by the Norman Conquest. In the introduction the writer dis- 
cusses the origin of the manor, suggesting points of view somewhat diflerent from 
those ordinarily received by the Germanic school, but supporting, in opposition 
to Mr. Seebohm, the freedom of the village community. 



Johns Hopkins University 

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